Now the time had come, and now he was to be the first and most patriotic of Germans as in old days he had been the strictest of Prussians.  Do not let us in welcoming the change condemn his earlier policy.  It was only his loyalty to Prussia which had made Germany possible; for it is indeed true that he could never have ruled Germany had he not first conquered it.  The real and indisputable supremacy of Prussia was still preserved; and Prussia was now so strong that she could afford to be generous.  It was wise to be generous, for the work was only half completed; the southern States were still outside the union; he wished to bring them into the fold, but to do so not by force of arms but of their own free will; and they certainly would be more easily attracted if they saw that the North German States were treated with good faith and kindness.

Side by side with the Council we have the Reichstag; this was, in accordance with the proposal made in the spring of 1866, to be elected by universal suffrage.  And now we see that this proposal, which a few months ago had appeared merely as a despairing bid for popularity by a statesman who had sacrificed every other means of securing his policy, had become a device convincing in its simplicity; at once all possibility of discussion or opposition was prevented; not indeed that there were not many warning voices raised, but as Bismarck, in defending this measure, asked,—­what was the alternative?  Any other system would have been purely arbitrary, and any arbitrary system would at once have opened the gate to a prolonged discussion and political struggle on questions of the franchise.  In a modern European State, when all men can read and write, and all men must serve in the army, there is no means of limiting the franchise in a way which will command universal consent.  In Germany there was not any old historical practice to which men could appeal or which could naturally be applied to the new Parliament; universal suffrage at least gave something clear, comprehensible, final.  Men more easily believed in the permanence of the new State when every German received for the first time the full privilege of citizenship.  We must notice, however, that Bismarck had always intended that voting should be open; the Parliament in revising the Constitution introduced the ballot.  He gave his consent with much reluctance; voting seemed to him to be a public duty, and to perform it in secret was to undermine the roots of political life.  He was a man who was constitutionally unable to understand fear.  We have then the Council and the Parliament, and we must now enquire as to their duties.  In nearly every modern State the popular representative assembly holds the real power; before it, everything else is humbled; the chief occupation of lawgivers is to find some ingenious device by which it may at least be controlled and moderated in the exercise of its power.  It was not likely that Bismarck would allow Germany to be governed by a democratic