and Imperialists to do honor to his memory; so that,
being dead, he was from his island-sepulchre a more
effective foe to legitimacy and the established order
of things than he had been from St. Cloud and the
Tuileries. It has been satirically said that a
mythical Napoleon rose from the dust of the dead Emperor,
who bore no moral resemblance to Europe’s master
of 1812. As to the resemblance between the master
of a hundred legions and “the dead but sceptred
sovereign” of 1824, who ruled men’s spirits
from his urn, we will not stop to inquire; but it
can be positively asserted that the mythical Napoleon,
if any such creation there was, was the work of the
true Napoleon’s destroyers. They earned
the hatred and detestation of the greater part of the
better classes in the civilized world; and as it is
the nature of men to love those who have warred against
the objects of their hate, nothing was more natural
than for Europeans and Americans to turn fondly to
the memory of one who had beaten and trampled upon
every member of the Holy Alliance, and who had carried
the tricolor, that emblem of revolution, to Vienna
and Berlin and Moscow. Men wished to have their
own feet upon the necks of Francis and Frederick William
and Alexander, and therefore they were ready to forget
the faults, and to remember only the virtues, of one
who had enjoyed the luxury they so much coveted.
It would be unreasonable to complain of that disposition
of the public mind toward Napoleon I. which prevailed
from about the date of his death to that of the restoration
of his dynasty in the person of his nephew, or to sneer
at the inconsistency of “that many-headed monster
thing,” the people, who had shouted over the
decisions of Vittoria and Leipsic, and before a decade
had expired were regretting that those decisions could
not be reversed; for the change was the consequence
of the operations of an immutable law, of that reaction
which dogs the heels of all conquerors. The legitimate
despots, whose union had been too much for the parvenu
despot, established a tyranny over Europe that threatened
to stunt the human mind, and which would have left
the world hopeless, if England had not resolved to
part company with her military allies. But her
condemnation of their policy did not prevent its development.
Even the events of 1830 did not restore national freedom
to the Continent; and fifteen years after the overthrow
of the elder Bourbons, the partitioners of Poland
could unite, in defiance of their plighted faith,
to destroy the independence of Cracow, the last shadowy
remnant of old and glorious Poland. The ascendency
of Napoleon III. has put a stop to such proceedings
as were common from the invasion of France, in 1815,
to the invasion of Hungary, in 1849. He has,
to be sure, interfered in the affairs of foreign countries,
but his acts of interference have been made against
the strong, and not against the weak. He interfered
to protect Turkey when she was threatened with destruction