We believe, then, that conciliation was from the first impossible,—­that to attempt it was unwise, because it put the party of law and loyalty in the wrong,—­and that, if it was done as a mere matter of policy in order to gain time, it was a still greater mistake, because it was the rebels only who could profit by it in consolidating their organization, while the seeming gain of a few days or weeks was a loss to the Government, whose great advantage was in an administrative system thoroughly established, and, above all, in the vast power of the national idea, a power weakened by every day’s delay.  This is so true, that already men began to talk of the rival governments at Montgomery and Washington, and Canadian journals recommend a strict neutrality, as if the independence and legitimacy of the mushroom despotism of New Ashantee were an acknowledged fact, and the name of the United States of America had no more authority than that of Jefferson Davis and Company, dealers in all kinds of repudiation and anarchy.  For more than a month after the inauguration of President Lincoln there seemed to be a kind of interregnum, during which the confusion of ideas in the Border States as to their rights and duties as members of the “old” Union, as it began to be called, became positively chaotic.  Virginia, still professing neutrality, prepared to seize the arsenal at Harper’s Ferry and the navy-yard at Norfolk; she would prevent the passage of the United States’ forces “with a serried phalanx of her gallant sons,” two regiments of whom stood, looking on while a file of marines took seven wounded men in an engine-house for them; she would do everything but her duty,—­the gallant Ancient Pistol of a commonwealth.  She “resumed her sovereignty,” whatever that meant; her Convention passed an ordinance of secession, concluded a league offensive and defensive with the rebel Confederacy, appointed Jefferson Davis commander-in-chief of her land-forces and somebody else of the fleet she meant to steal at Norfolk, and then coolly referred the whole matter back to the people to vote three weeks afterwards whether they would secede three weeks before.  Wherever the doctrine of Secession has penetrated, it seems to have obliterated every notion of law and precedent.

The country had come to the conclusion that Mr. Lincoln and his cabinet were mainly employed in packing their trunks to leave Washington, when the “venerable Edward Ruffin of Virginia” fired that first gun at Fort Sumter which brought all the Free States to their feet as one man.  That shot is destined to be the most memorable one ever fired on this continent since the Concord fowling-pieces said, “That bridge is ours, and we mean to go across it,” eighty-seven Aprils ago.  As these began a conflict which gave us independence, so that began another which is to give us nationality.  It was certainly a great piece of good-luck for the Government that they had a fort which it was so profitable to lose.