The proposals I have hitherto made for the advancement of religion and morality, are such as come within reach of the administration; such as a pious active prince, with a steady resolution, might soon bring to effect.  Neither am I aware of any objections to be raised against what I have advanced; unless it should be thought, that making religion a necessary step to interest and favour might increase hypocrisy among us; and I readily believe it would.  But if one in twenty should be brought over to true piety by this, or the like methods, and the other nineteen be only hypocrites, the advantage would still be great.  Besides, hypocrisy is much more eligible than open infidelity and vice; it wears the livery of religion; it acknowledges her authority, and is cautious of giving scandal.  Nay, a long continued disguise is too great a constraint upon human nature, especially an English disposition; men would leave off their vices out of mere weariness, rather than undergo the toil and hazard, and perhaps expense, of practising them perpetually in private.  And I believe it is often with religion, as it is with love; which, by much dissembling, at last grows real.

All other projects to this great end have proved hitherto ineffectual.  Laws against immorality have not been executed; and proclamations occasionally issued out to enforce them are wholly unregarded as things of form.  Religious societies, though begun with excellent intention, and by persons of true piety,[4] have dwindled into factious clubs, and grown a trade to enrich little knavish informers of the meanest rank, such as common constables, and broken shopkeepers.

[Footnote 4:  The original edition omits here the words, “are said, I know not whether truly or not.”  All other editions give these words. [T.  S.]]

And that some effectual attempt should be made toward such a reformation, is perhaps more necessary than people commonly apprehend; because the ruin of a state is generally preceded by a universal degeneracy of manners, and contempt of religion; which is entirely our case at present.

  “Dis te minorem quod geris imperas.”—­HOR. [5]

[Footnote 5:  “Carmina,” iii. 6. 5.]

Neither is this a matter to be deferred till a more convenient time of peace and leisure:  Because a reformation in men’s faith and morals is the best natural, as well as religious means, to bring the war to a good conclusion.  For, if men in trust performed their duty for conscience sake, affairs would not suffer through fraud, falsehood, and neglect, as they now perpetually do.  And if they believed a God, and his Providence, and acted accordingly, they might reasonably hope for his divine assistance, in so just a cause as ours.

Nor could the majesty of the English Crown appear, upon any occasion, in a greater lustre, either to foreigners or subjects, than by an administration, which, producing such great effects, would discover so much power.  And power being the natural appetite of princes, a limited monarch cannot so well gratify it in anything, as a strict execution of the laws.