[Footnote 1:  Colorado, New York.]

[Footnote 2:  District of Columbia, Wisconsin.]

[Footnote 3:  District of Columbia, Wisconsin.]

[Footnote 4:  New York, Oklahoma, Wisconsin.]

[Footnote 5:  Washington.]

Leaving now the question of general employment, where no general laws limiting time or price would seem to be constitutional, except in certain cases as to the employment of women and in all cases that of children, and going to special occupations, we shall find quite a different principle; for in a special occupation known to be dangerous or unhealthy, certainly if dangerous or unhealthy to the general public, it has always been the custom and has always been constitutional with us to control conditions by statute.  The question of what is a dangerous or unhealthy occupation to the public rather than merely to the persons employed is, of course, a difficult one; and the Supreme Court of the United States have split so closely on this point that they have in Utah decided that mining was an occupation dangerous to the public health, and in New York that the baking of bread was not.  That is to say, that the condition of bakeshops bore no relation to the general health of the community.  One might, perhaps, have expected that they would have decided each case the other way; but we must take our decisions as we get them from the Supreme Court, reserving our dissent for the text-books.  In any event, it can be seen that the line is very close, certainly in the case of adult male labor.  The same statute as to mines existed in Colorado that the United States Supreme Court sustained in Utah.  The Colorado Supreme Court had declared it unconstitutional, and after the decision of the United States Supreme Court they continued to declare it unconstitutional, simply saying that the United States Supreme Court was wrong.  Anyhow, it is obvious that in trades which involve a great mass of the people, or affect the whole community, or particularly where there are definite dangers, such as noxious vapors or tuberculosis-breeding dust, it will be constitutional, as it is common sense, to limit the conditions and even the hours of labor of women or men, as well as children.  Students interested in such matters will find the universal legislation of the civilized world set forth in the invaluable labor-laws collection of the government of Belgium; and he will find that all countries of the world do regulate the hours of labor as well as the conditions, in all such trades, and we should not remain alone in refusing to do so.