may dictate severer measures. Emancipation is
the policy of the Government, and will soon be the
determination of the people. Whether it shall
be gradual or immediate depends altogether on the
slaveholders themselves. The prolongation of
the war for a year, and the operation of the internal
tax bill, will convert all the voters of the Free
States, whether Republicans or Democrats, into practical
Emancipationists. The tax bill alone will teach
the people important lessons which no politicians can
gainsay. Every person who buys a piece of broadcloth
or calico,—every person who takes a cup
of tea or coffee,—every person who lives
from day to day on the energy he thinks he derives
from patent medicines, or beer, or whiskey,—every
person who signs a note, or draws a bill of exchange,
or sends a telegraphic despatch, or advertises in
a newspaper, or makes a will, or “raises”
anything, or manufactures anything, will naturally
inquire why he or she is compelled to submit to an
irritating as well as an onerous tax. The only
answer that can possibly be returned is this,—
that all these vexatious burdens are necessary because
a comparatively few persons out of an immense population
have chosen to get up a civil war in order to protect
and foster their slave-property, and the political
power it confers. As this property is but a small
fraction of the whole property of the country, and
as its owners are not a hundredth part of the population
of the country, does any sane man doubt that the slave-property
will be relentlessly confiscated in order that the
Slave Power may be forever crushed?
There are, we know, persons in the Free States who
pretend to believe that the war will leave Slavery
where the war found it,—that our half a
million of soldiers have gone South on a sort of military
picnic, and will return in a cordial mood towards
their Southern brethren in arms,—and that
there is no real depth and earnestness of purpose in
the Free States. Though one year has done the
ordinary work of a century in effecting or confirming
changes in the ideas and sentiments of the people,
these persons still sagely rely on the party-phrases
current some eighteen months ago to reconstruct the
Union on the old basis of the domination of the Slave
Power, through the combination of a divided North
with a united South. By the theory of these persons,
there is something peculiarly sacred in property in
men, distinguishing it from the more vulgar form of
property in things; and though the cost of putting
down the Rebellion will nearly equal the value of the
Southern slaves, considered as chattels, they suppose
that the owners of property in things will cheerfully
submit to be taxed for a thousand millions,—a
fourth of the almost fabulous debt of England,—without
any irritation against the chivalric owners of property
in men, whose pride, caprice, and insubordination
have made the taxation necessary. Such may possibly
be the fact, but as sane men we cannot but disbelieve
it. Our conviction is, that, whether the war
is ended in three months or in twelve months, the
Slave Power is sure to be undermined or overthrown.