of Independence, “had uniformly exhibited a disposition
to restrict the extension of the evil—and
had always manifested as cordial a disposition to
ameliorate it as those of the North and East”;
and 5. That the actual state and condition of
the slave population “reflected no disgrace
whatever on the character of the country—as
the slaves were infinitely better provided for than
the laboring poor of other countries of the world,
and were generally happier than millions of white people
in the world.” Such arguments the clergy
supported and endeavored to reconcile with Christian
precept. Rev. Dr. Richard Furman, president of
the Baptist Convention of South Carolina,[2] after
much inquiry and reasoning, arrived at the conclusion
that “the holding of slaves is justifiable by
the doctrine and example contained in Holy Writ; and
is, therefore, consistent with Christian uprightness
both in sentiment and conduct.” Said he
further: “The Christian golden rule, of
doing to others as we would they should do to us,
has been urged as an unanswerable argument against
holding slaves. But surely this rule is never
to be urged against that order of things which the
Divine government has established; nor do our desires
become a standard to us, under this rule, unless they
have a due regard to justice, propriety, and the general
good.... A father may very naturally desire that
his son should be obedient to his orders: Is
he therefore to obey the orders of his son? A
man might be pleased to be exonerated from his debts
by the generosity of his creditors; or that his rich
neighbor should equally divide his property with him;
and in certain circumstances might desire these to
be done: Would the mere existence of this desire
oblige him to exonerate his debtors, and to make such
division of his property?” Calhoun in 1837 formally
accepted slavery, saying that the South should no
longer apologize for it; and the whole argument from
the standpoint of expediency received eloquent expression
in the Senate of the United States from no less a
man than Henry Clay, who more and more appears in
the perspective as a pro-Southern advocate. Said
he: “I am no friend of slavery. But
I prefer the liberty of my own country to that of any
other people; and the liberty of my own race to that
of any other race. The liberty of the descendants
of Africa in the United States is incompatible with
the safety and liberty of the European descendants.
Their slavery forms an exception—an exception
resulting from a stern and inexorable necessity—to
the general liberty in the United States."[3] After
the lapse of years the pro-slavery argument is pitiful
in its numerous fallacies. It was in line with
much of the discussion of the day that questioned
whether the Negro was actually a human being, and
but serves to show to what extremes economic interest
will sometimes drive men otherwise of high intelligence
and honor.
[Footnote 1: The Pro-Slavery Argument (as maintained by the most distinguished writers of the Southern states). Charleston, 1852.]