a fire-bell in the night, awakened and filled me with
terror. I considered it at once as the knell
of the Union. It is hushed, indeed, for the moment.
But this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence....
I can say, with conscious truth, that there is not
a man on earth who would sacrifice more than I would
to relieve us from this heavy reproach, in any
practicable
way. The cession of that kind of property, for
so it is misnamed, is a bagatelle that would not cost
me a second thought, if, in that way, a general emancipation
and
expatriation could be effected; and, gradually,
and with due sacrifices, I think it might be."[1]
For the time being, however, the South was concerned
mainly about immediate dangers; nor was this section
placed more at ease by Denmark Vesey’s attempted
insurrection in 1822.[2] A representative South Carolinian,[3]
writing after this event, said, “We regard our
Negroes as the
Jacobins of the country, against
whom we should always be upon our guard, and who,
although we fear no permanent effects from any insurrectionary
movements on their part, should be watched with an
eye of steady and unremitted observation.”
Meanwhile from a ratio of 43.72 to 56.28 in 1790 the
total Negro population in South Carolina had by 1820
come to outnumber the white 52.77 to 47.23, and the
tendency was increasingly in favor of the Negro.
The South, the whole country in fact, was more and
more being forced to consider not only slavery but
the ultimate reaches of the problem.
[Footnote 1: Writings, XV, 249.]
[Footnote 2: See Chapter VII, Section 1.]
[Footnote 3: Holland: A Refutation of
Calumnies, 61.]
Whatever one might think of the conclusion—and
in this case the speaker was pleading for colonization—no
statement of the problem as it impressed men about
1820 or 1830 was clearer than that of Rev. Dr. Nott,
President of Union College, at Albany in 1829.[1] The
question, said he, was by no means local. Slavery
was once legalized in New England; and New England
built slave-ships and manned these with New England
seamen. In 1820 the slave population in the country
amounted to 1,500,000. The number doubled every
twenty years, and it was easy to see how it would
progress from 1,500,000 to 3,000,000; to 6,000,000;
to 12,000,000; to 24,000,000. “Twenty-four
millions of slaves! What a drawback from our
strength; what a tax on our resources; what a hindrance
to our growth; what a stain on our character; and
what an impediment to the fulfillment of our destiny!
Could our worst enemies or the worst enemies of republics,
wish us a severer judgment?” How could one know
that wakeful and sagacious enemies without would not
discover the vulnerable point and use it for the country’s
overthrow? Or was there not danger that among
a people goaded from age to age there might at length
arise some second Toussaint L’Ouverture, who,
reckless of consequences, would array a force and