The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 09, No. 54, April, 1862 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 325 pages of information about The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 09, No. 54, April, 1862.

The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 09, No. 54, April, 1862 eBook

This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 325 pages of information about The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 09, No. 54, April, 1862.

But one principle asserts itself out of the uniform coarse of history.  The restoration of the lawful authority over rebels does not restore them to their old status.  They are at the pleasure of the conquering power.  Rights of citizenship, having been abjured, do not return with the same coercion which demands duties of citizenship.  Thus, to illustrate on an individual scale, every wrong-doer is ipso facto a rebel.  He forfeits, according to due course of law, a measure of his privileges, while constrained to the same responsibility of obedience.  His property is not exempt from taxes because he is in prison, but his right of voting is gone; he cannot bear arms, but he must keep the peace, he must labor compulsorily, and attend such worship as the State provides.  In short, he becomes a ward of the State, while not ceasing to be a member.  His inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness were inalienable only so long as he remained obedient and true to the sovereign.  Now this is equally true on the large scale as on the small.  The only difficulty is to apply it to broad masses of men and to States.

It may not be expedient to try South Carolina collectively, but we contend that the application of the principle gives us the right.  Corporate bodies have again and again been punished by suspension of franchise, while held to allegiance and duties.

The simple question for us is, What will it be best to do?  The South may save us the trouble of deciding for the present a part of the many questions that occur.  We may put down the Confederate Government, and take military occupation.  We cannot compel the Southerners to hold elections and resume their share in the Government.  It can go on without them.  The same force which reopens the Mississippi can collect taxes or exact forfeitures along its banks.  If Charleston is sullen, the National Government, having restored its flag to Moultrie and Sumter, can take its own time in the matter of clearing out the channel and rebuilding the light-houses.  If a secluded neighborhood does not receive a Government postmaster, but is disposed to welcome him with tarry hands to a feathery bed, it can be left without the mails.  The rebel we can compel to return to his duties; if necessary, we can leave him to get back his rights as he best may.

But we are the representatives of a great political discovery.  The American Union is founded on a fact unknown to the Old World.  That fact is the direct ratio of the prosperity of the parts to the prosperity of the whole.  It is the principle upon which in every community our life is built.  We cannot, therefore, afford to have any part of the land languishing and suffering.  We are fighting, not for conquest, for we mean to abjure our power the moment we safely can,—­not for vengeance, for those with whom we fight are our brethren.  We are compelled by a necessity, partly geographical and partly social, into restoring a Union politically which never for a day has actually ceased.

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The Atlantic Monthly, Volume 09, No. 54, April, 1862 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.