[31] “He told me,” writes a relative, “that questions about trade used to occupy him very early in life.  He used to ponder how it could be right to sell things for more than they cost you.”

[32] “He had his own way of doing everything, and used most stoutly to protest that it was quite impossible that he should do it in any other.”—­MS. Memoir by his brother, John Marriott.

[33] Uniomachia, 1833.

[34] “This became the main task of his life us long as health was continued to him.  All who knew him well will remember how laboriously he worked at it, and how, in one shape or another, it was always on hand.  Either he was translating, or correcting the translation of others; or he was collating MSS., or correcting the press.  This last work was carried on at all times and wherever he was—­on a journey, after dinner—­even in a boat, he would pull out a sheet and go to write upon it in haste to get it finished for the next post.  The number of volumes in the Library of the Fathers which bear the signature C.M. attest his diligence.”—­John Marriott’s Memoir of him (MS.)

[35] J.M., MS. Memoir.

[36] Rem. i. 447.

CHAPTER VI

THE OXFORD TRACTS

“On 14th July 1833,” we read in Cardinal Newman’s Apologia, “Mr. Keble preached the assize sermon in the University Pulpit.  It was published under the title of National Apostasy.  I have ever considered and kept the day as the start of the religious movement of 1833."[37]

This memorable sermon was a strong expression of the belief common to a large body of Churchmen amid the triumphs of the Reform Bill, that the new governors of the country were preparing to invade the rights, and to alter the constitution, and even the public documents, of the Church.  The suppression of ten Irish Bishoprics, in defiance of Church opinion, showed how ready the Government was to take liberties in a high-handed way with the old adjustments of the relations of Church and State.  Churchmen had hitherto taken for granted that England was “a nation which had for centuries acknowledged, as an essential part of its theory of government, that, as a Christian nation, she is also a part of Christ’s Church, and bound, in all her legislation and policy, by the fundamental laws of that Church.”  When “a Government and people, so constituted, threw off the restraint which in many respects such a principle would impose upon them, nay, disavowed the principle itself,” this, to those whose ideas Mr. Keble represented, seemed nothing short of a “direct disavowal of the sovereignty of God.  If it be true anywhere that such enactments are forced on the legislature by public opinion, is Apostasy too hard a word to describe the temper of such a nation?” The sermon was a call to face in earnest a changed state of things, full of immediate and pressing danger; to consider how it was to be met