He proceeds to speak of such a “set to” and debate as “producing alienation wide-spread in our own ranks, and introducing confusion and every evil work.” He urges the necessity of vindicating a right “by exercising it,” instead of simply arguing for it.
Of ministers he says: “True, there is a pretty large class of ministers who are fierce about it, and will fight, but a still larger class that will come over if they first witness the successful practice rather than meet it in the shape of a doctrine to be swallowed. Now, if instead of blowing a blast through the newspapers, sounding the onset, and summoning the ministers and churches to surrender, you had without any introductory flourish just gone right among them and lectured, when and where and as you could find opportunity, and paid no attention to criticism, but pushed right on, without making any ado about ‘attacks,’ and ‘invasions,’ and ‘opposition,’ and have let the barkers bark their bark out,—within one year you might have practically brought over five hundred thousand persons, of the very moral elite of New England. You may rely upon it.... No moral enterprise, when prosecuted with ability and any sort of energy, ever failed under heaven so long as its conductors pushed the main principle, and did not strike off until they reached the summit level. On the other hand, every reform that ever foundered in mid-sea, was capsized by one of these gusty side-winds. Nothing more utterly amazes me than the fact that the conduct of a great, a pre-eminently great moral enterprise, should exhibit so little of a wise, far-sighted, comprehensive plan. Surely it is about plain enough to be called self-evident, that the only common-sense method of conducting a great moral enterprise is to start with a fundamental, plain principle, so fundamental as not to involve side-relations, and so plain, that it cannot be denied.”