spirit of them.” Those profound researches,
which were to last as long as his life, were more
suited to his tastes than jurisprudence properly so
called. “What has always given me rather
a low opinion of myself,” he would say, “is
that there are very few positions in the commonwealth
for which I should be really fit. As for my
office of president, I have my heart in the right
place, I comprehend sufficiently well the questions
in themselves; but as to the procedure I did not understand
anything about it. I paid attention to it, nevertheless;
but what disgusted me most was to see fools with that
very talent which, so to speak, shunned me.”
He resolved to deliver himself from the yoke which
was intolerable to him, and resigned his office; but
by this time the world knew his name, in spite of
the care he had taken at first to conceal it.
In 1721, when he still had his seat on the fleurs-de-lis,
he had published his
Lettres persanes, an imaginary
trip of two exiled Parsees, freely criticising Paris
and France. The book appeared under the Regency,
and bears the imprint of it in the licentiousness
of the descriptions and the witty irreverence of the
criticisms. Sometimes, however, the future gravity
of Montesquieu’s genius reveals itself amidst
the shrewd or biting judgments. It is in the
Lettres persanes that he seeks to set up the
notion of justice above the idea of God himself.
“Though there were no God,” he says,
“we should still be bound to love justice, that
is to say, make every effort to be like that Being
of whom we have so grand an idea, and who, if He existed,
would of necessity be just.” Holy Scripture,
before Montesquieu, had affirmed more simply and more
powerfully the unchangeable idea of justice in every
soul of man. “He who is judge of all the
earth, shall not He do right?.” Abraham
had said when interceding with God for the righteous
shut up in Sodom.
The success of the Lettres persanes was great;
Montesquieu had said what many people thought without
daring to express it; the doubt which was nascent
in his mind, and which he could only withstand by an
effort of will, the excessive freedom of the tone
and of the style scared the authorities, however;
when he wanted to get into the French Academy, in
the place of M. de Sacy, Cardinal Fleury opposed it
formally. It was only on the 24th of January,
1728, that Montesquieu, recently elected, delivered
his reception speech. He at once set out on some
long travels; he went through Germany, Hungary, Italy,
Switzerland, Holland, and ended by settling in England
for two years. The sight of political liberty
had charmed him. “Ambassadors know no
more about England than a six months’ infant,”
he wrote in his journal; “when people see the
devil to pay in the periodical publications, they
believe that there is going to be a revolution next
day; but all that is required is to remember that in
England as elsewhere, the people are dissatisfied with