themselves up as petty, isolated sovereigns.
The spirit of association receives development in
England: the ancient institutions have maintained
it amongst the English landholders, and the inadequacy
of individual resistance has made it prevalent amongst
the Norman barons. The unity which springs from
community of interests and from junction of forces
amongst equals becomes a counter-poise to the unity
of the sovereign power. To sustain the struggle
with success, the aristocratic coalition formed against
the tyrannical kingship has needed the assistance of
the landed proprietors, great and small, English and
Norman, and it has not been able to dispense with
getting their rights recognized as well as its own.
Meanwhile the struggle is becoming complicated; there
is a division of parties; a portion of the barons
rally round the threatened kingship; sometimes it
is the feudal aristocracy, and sometimes it is the
king that summons and sees flocking to the rescue
the common people, first of the country, then of the
towns. The democratic element thus penetrates
into and keeps growing in both society and government,
at one time quietly and through the stolid influence
of necessity, at another noisily and by means of revolutions,
powerful indeed, but nevertheless restrained within
certain limits. The fusion of the two peoples
and the different social classes is little by little
attaining accomplishment; it is little by little bringing
about the perfect formation of representative government
with its various component parts, royalty, aristocracy,
and democracy, each invested with the rights and the
strength necessary for their functions. The
end of the struggle has been arrived at; constitutional
monarchy is founded; by the triumph of their language
and of their primitive liberties the English have
conquered their conquerors. It is written in
her history, and especially in her history at the date
of the eleventh century, how England found her point
of departure and her first elements of success in
the long labor she performed, in order to arrive,
in 1688, at a free, and, in our days, at a liberal
government.
France pursued her end by other means and in the teeth
of other fortunes. She always desired and always
sought for free government under the form of constitutional
monarchy; and in following her history, step by step,
there will be seen, often disappearing and ever re-appearing,
the efforts made by the country for the accomplishment
of her hope. Why then did not France sooner
and more completely attain what she had so often attempted?
Amongst the different causes of this long miscalculation,
we will dwell for the present only on the historical
reason just now indicated: France did not find,
as England did, in the primitive elements of French
society the conditions and means of the political
system to which she never ceased to aspire.
In order to obtain the moderate measure of internal
order, without which society could not exist; in order