feeling of corresponding, or more than corresponding ferocity on the other side.  That men who a few months before had trembled to see all whom they loved best exposed to the savagery of such a mob as had set fire to the barn at Scullabogue, or murdered the prisoners at Rossbridge, should have been filled with a fury which carried them far beyond the necessities of the case is hardly perhaps surprising, but the result was to hurry them in many instances into cruelties fully as great as those which they intended to avenge.

It was at this moment, while the country was still racked and bleeding at every pore from the effects of the recent struggle, that Pitt resolved to carry out his long projected plan of a legislative Union.  Public opinion in Ireland may be said for the moment to have been dead.  The mass of the people were lying crushed and exhausted by their own violence.  Fresh from a contest waged with gun and pike and torch, a mere constitutional struggle had probably little or no interest for them.  The popular enthusiasm which the earlier triumphs of the Irish Parliament had awakened had all but utterly died away in a fratricidal struggle.  To the leaders of the late rebellion it was an object of open contempt, if not indeed of actual aversion.  Wolfe Tone, the ablest man by far on the revolutionary side, had never weaned of pouring contempt upon it.  In his eyes it was the great opponent of progress, the venal slave which had not only destroyed the chances of a successful outbreak, and whose endeavour had been to keep Ireland under the heel of her tyrant.  To him the opposition as little deserved the name of patriot as the veriest place-men.  Grattan, throughout his long and noble career had been as steadily loyal, and as steadily averse to any appeal to force as any paid creature of the Government.  To men who only wanted to break loose from England altogether, to found an Irish republic as closely as possible upon the model then offered for their imitation in France, anything like mere constitutional opposition seemed not contemptible merely, but ridiculous.

[Illustration:  VIEW OF THE FOUR COURTS, DUBLIN, FINISHED THE YEAR OF THE UNION, 1800.]

This explains how it was that no great burst of public feeling—­such as a few years before would have made the project of a Union all but impossible—­was now to be feared.  Pitt had for a long time firmly fixed his mind upon it as the object to be attained.  He honestly believed the existing state of things to be fraught with peril for England, and to have in it formidable elements of latent danger, which a war or any other sudden emergency might bring to the front.  He knew too, undoubtedly, that no opportunity equally favourable for carrying his point was ever likely to recur again.