Peace Theories and the Balkan War eBook

Norman Angell
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 111 pages of information about Peace Theories and the Balkan War.

Peace Theories and the Balkan War eBook

Norman Angell
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 111 pages of information about Peace Theories and the Balkan War.

It is the one fact which stands out incontrovertibly from the whole weary muddle.  It is quite clear that the inability to act in common arises from the fact that in the international sphere the European is still dominated by illusions which he has dropped when he deals with home politics.  The political faith of the Turk, which he would never think of applying at home as between the individuals of his nation, he applies pure and unalloyed when he comes to deal with foreigners as nations.  The economic conception—­using the term in that wider sense which I have indicated earlier in this article—­which guides his individual conduct is the antithesis of that which guides his national conduct.

While the Christian does not believe in robbery inside the frontier, he does without; while within the State he realises that greater advantage lies on the side of each observing the general code, so that civilised society can exist, instead of on the side of having society go to pieces by each disregarding it; while within the State he realises that government is a matter of administration, not the seizure of property; that one town does not add to its wealth by “capturing” another, that indeed one community cannot “own” another—­while, I say, he believes all these things in his daily life at home, he disregards them all when he comes to the field of international relationship, la haute politique.  To annex some province by a cynical breach of treaty obligation (Austria in Bosnia, Italy in Tripoli) is regarded as better politics than to act loyally with the community of nations to enforce their common interest in order and good government.  In fact, we do not believe that there can be a community of nations, because, in fact, we do not believe that their interests are common, but rival; like the Turk, we believe that if you do not exercise force upon your “rival” he will exercise it upon you; that nations live upon one another, not by co-operation with one another—­and it is for this reason presumably that you must “own” as much of your neighbours’ as possible.  It is the Turkish conception from beginning to end.

And it is because these false beliefs prevent the nations of Christendom acting loyally the one to the other, because each is playing for its own hand, that the Turk, with hint of some sordid bribe, has been able to play off each against the other.

This is the crux of the matter.  When Europe can honestly act in common on behalf of common interests some solution can be found.  And the capacity of Europe to act together will not be found so long as the accepted doctrines of European statecraft remain unchanged, so long as they are dominated by existing illusions.

* * * * *

In a paper read before the British Association of this year, I attempted to show in more general terms this relation between economic impulse and ideal motive.  The following are relevant passages:—­

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Peace Theories and the Balkan War from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.