head. It is also on record that the wise-minded
and fair-minded President was able to supply certain
serious gaps and deficiencies in the direction of
the work of the Department, and further that his service
was so rendered as to save the dignity and the repute
of the Secretary. Seward’s subjectivity,
not to say vanity, was great, and it took some little
time before he was able to realise that his was not
the first mind or the strongest will-power in the
new administration. On the first of April, 1861,
less than thirty days after the organisation of the
Cabinet, Seward writes to Lincoln complaining that
the “government had as yet no policy; that its
action seemed to be simply drifting”; that there
was a lack of any clear-minded control in the direction
of affairs within the Cabinet, in the presentation
to the people of the purposes of the government, and
in the shaping of the all-important relations with
foreign states. “Who,” said Seward,
“is to control the national policy?” The
letter goes on to suggest that Mr. Seward is willing
to take the responsibility, leaving, if needs be, the
credit to the nominal chief. The letter was a
curious example of the weakness and of the bumptiousness
of the man, while it gave evidence also, it is fair
to say, of a real public-spirited desire that things
should go right and that the nation should be saved.
It was evident that he had as yet no adequate faith
in the capacity of the President.
Lincoln’s answer was characteristic of the man.
There was no irritation with the bumptiousness, no
annoyance at the lack of confidence on the part of
his associate. He states simply: “There
must, of course, be control and the responsibility
for this control must rest with me.” He
points out further that the general policy of the administration
had been outlined in the inaugural, that no action
since taken had been inconsistent with this.
The necessary preparations for the defence of the
government were in train and, as the President trusted,
were being energetically pushed forward by the several
department heads. “I have a right,”
said Lincoln, “to expect loyal co-operation from
my associates in the Cabinet. I need their counsel
and the nation needs the best service that can be
secured from our united wisdom.” The letter
of Seward was put away and appears never to have been
referred to between the two men. It saw the light
only after the President’s death. If he
had lived it might possibly have been suppressed altogether.
A month later, Seward said to a friend, “There
is in the Cabinet but one vote and that is cast by
the President.”