The South was well pleased with the purpose and with the result of the Dred Scott decision and with the repeal of the Missouri Compromise.  It is probable, however, that if the Dred Scott decision had not given to the South so full a measure of satisfaction, the South would have been more ready to accept the leadership of a Northern Democrat like Douglas.  Up to a certain point in the conflict, they had felt the need of Douglas and had realised the importance of the support that he was in a position to bring from the North.  When, however, the Missouri Compromise had been repealed and the Supreme Court had declared that slaves must be recognised as property throughout the entire country, the Southern claims were increased to a point to which certain of the followers of Douglas were not willing to go.  It was a large compliment to the young lawyer of Illinois to have placed upon him the responsibility of leading, against such a competitor as Douglas, the contest of the Whigs, and of the Free-soilers back of the Whigs, against any further extension of slavery, a contest which was really a fight for the continued existence of the nation.

Lincoln seems to have gone into the fight with full courage, the courage of his convictions.  He felt that Douglas was a trimmer, and he believed that the issue had now been brought to a point at which the trimmer could not hold support on both sides of Mason and Dixon’s Line.  He formulated at the outset of the debate a question which was pressed persistently upon Douglas during the succeeding three weeks.  This question was worded as follows:  “Can the people of a United States territory, prior to the formation of a State constitution or against the protest of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery?” Lincoln’s campaign advisers were of opinion that this question was inadvisable.  They took the ground that Douglas would answer the question in such way as to secure the approval of the voters of Illinois and that in so doing he would win the Senatorship.  Lincoln’s response was in substance:  “That may be.  I hold, however, that if Douglas answers this question in a way to satisfy the Democrats of the North, he will inevitably lose the support of the more extreme, at least, of the Democrats of the South.  We may lose the Senatorship as far as my personal candidacy is concerned.  If, however, Douglas fails to retain the support of the South, he cannot become President in 1860.  The line will be drawn directly between those who are willing to accept the extreme claims of the South and those who resist these claims.  A right decision is the essential thing for the safety of the nation.”  The question gave no little perplexity to Douglas.  He finally, however, replied that in his judgment the people of a United States territory had the right to exclude slavery.  When asked again by Lincoln how he brought this decision into accord with the Dred Scott decision, he replied in substance:  “Well, they have not the right to take constitutional measures to exclude slavery but they can by local legislation render slavery practically impossible.”  The Dred Scott decision had in fact itself overturned the Douglas theory of popular sovereignty or “squatter sovereignty.”  Douglas was only able to say that his sovereignty contention made provision for such control of domestic or local regulations as would make slavery impossible.