to share the power for the attainment of which he had laboured so many years and gone through so much.  From his definite installation as hereditary prince discontent at his arbitrary methods of government amongst his ex-equals increased, and after several revolts he was forced eventually to grant a constitution in 1835.  This, however, remained a dead letter, and things went on as before.  Later in the same year he paid a prolonged visit to his suzerain at Constantinople, and while he was there the situation in Serbia became still more serious.  After his return he was, after several years of delay and of growing unpopularity, compelled to agree to another constitution which was forced on him, paradoxically enough, by the joint efforts of the Tsar and of the Sultan, who seemed to take an unnatural pleasure in supporting the democratic Serbians against their successful colleague in autocracy, who had done so much for his turbulent subjects.  Serbia even in those days was essentially and uncompromisingly democratic, but even so Milo[)s] obstinately refused to carry out the provisions of the constitution or in any way to submit to a curtailment of his power, and in 1839 he left his ungrateful principality and took refuge in Rumania, where he possessed an estate, abdicating in favour of his elder son Milan.  This Prince Milan, known as Obrenovi[’c] II, was seriously ill at the time of his accession, and died within a month of it.  He was succeeded by his younger brother Michael, known as Obrenovi[’c] III, who was then only sixteen years of age.  This prince, though young, had a good head on his shoulders, and eventually proved the most gifted ruler modern Serbia has ever had.  His first reign (1840-2), however, did not open well.  He inaugurated it by paying a state visit to Constantinople, but the Sultan only recognized him as elective prince and insisted on his having two advisers approved and appointed by the Porte.  Michael on his return showed his determination to have nothing to do with them, but this led to a rebellion headed by one of them, Vu[)c]i[’c], and, though Michael’s rule was not as arbitrary as his father’s, he had to bow to the popular will which supported Vu[)c]i[’c] and cross the river to Semlin.  After a stormy interval, during which the Emperor Nicholas I tried to intervene in favour of Michael, Alexander Karagjorgjevi[’c], son of Kara-George, was elected prince (1843).  No sooner was this representative of the rival dynasty installed, however, than rebellions in favour of Michael occurred.  These were thrown into the shade by the events of 1848, In that memorable year of revolutions the Magyars rose against Austria and the Serbs in southern Hungary rose against the Magyars.  Prince Alexander resolved to send military help to his oppressed countrymen north of the Save and Danube, and, though the insurgents were unsuccessful, Prince Alexander gained in popularity amongst the Serbs by the line of action he had taken.  During the Crimean War, on the other hand, Serbia remained strictly neutral, to the annoyance of the Tsar; at the Congress of Paris (1856) the exclusive protectorate of Russia was replaced by one of all the powers, and Russian influence in the western Balkans was thereby weakened.  Prince Alexander’s prudence, moreover, cost him his popularity, and in 1858 he in his turn had to bid farewell to his difficult countrymen.