The first intimation which the public at large had of the coming new dictum was given in Mr. Buchanan’s inaugural.  The fact that he did not contemplate such an announcement until after his arrival in Washington[5] leads to the inference that it was prompted from high quarters.  In Congressional and popular discussions the question of the moment was at what period in the growth of a Territory its voters might exclude or establish slavery.  Referring to this Mr. Buchanan said:  “It is a judicial question, which legitimately belongs to the Supreme Court of the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, it is understood, be speedily and finally settled.  To their decision, in common with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit, whatever this may be.”

The popular acquiescence being thus invoked by the Presidential voice and example, the court announced its decision two days afterwards—­March 6, 1857.  The essential character of the transaction impressed itself upon the very form of the judgment, if indeed it may be called at all by that name.  Chief-Justice Taney read the opinion of the court.  Justices Nelson, Wayne, Daniel, Grier, Catron, and Campbell each read a separate and individual opinion, agreeing with the Chief-Justice on some points, and omitting or disagreeing on others, or arriving at the same result by different reasoning, and in the same manner differing one from another.  The two remaining associate justices, McLean and Curtis, read emphatic dissenting opinions.  Thus the collective utterance of the bench resembled the speeches of a town meeting rather than the decision of a court, and employed 240 printed pages of learned legal disquisition to order the simple dismissal of a suit.  The opinion read by Chief-Justice Taney was long and elaborate, and the following were among its leading conclusions: 

That the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States do not include nor refer to negroes otherwise than as property; that they cannot become citizens of the United States nor sue in the Federal courts.  That Dred Scott’s claim to freedom by reason of his residence in Illinois was a Missouri question, which Missouri law had decided against him.  That the Constitution of the United States recognizes slaves as property, and pledges the Federal Government to protect it; and that the Missouri Compromise act and like prohibitory laws are unconstitutional.  That the Circuit Court of the United States had no jurisdiction in the case and could give no judgment in it, and must be directed to dismiss the suit.

This remarkable decision challenged the attention of the whole people to a degree never before excited by any act of their courts of law.  Multiplied editions were at once printed,[6] scattered broadcast over the land, read with the greatest avidity, and earnestly criticised.