The argument is exhausted.  All hope of relief in the Union through the agency of committees, Congressional legislation, or constitutional amendments is extinguished, and we trust the South will not be deceived by appearances or the pretense of new guarantees.  In our judgment the Republicans are resolute in the purpose to grant nothing that will or ought to satisfy the South.  We are satisfied the honor, safety, and independence of the Southern people require the organization of a Southern Confederacy—­a result to be obtained only by separate State secession—­that the primary object of each slave-holding State ought to be its speedy and absolute separation from a Union with hostile States.

    J.L.  Pugh of Alabama. 
    David Clopton of Alabama. 
    Sydenham Moore of Alabama. 
    J.L.M.  Curry of Alabama. 
    J.A.  Stallworth of Alabama. 
    J.W.H.  Underwood of Georgia. 
    L.J.  Gartrell of Georgia. 
    James Jackson of Georgia. 
    John J. Jones of Georgia. 
    Martin J. Crawford of Georgia. 
    Alfred Iverson, U.S.  Senator, Georgia. 
    George S. Hawkins of Florida. 
    T.C.  Hindman of Arkansas. 
    Jefferson Davis, U.S.  Senator, Mississippi. 
    A.G.  Brown, U.S.  Senator, Mississippi. 
    Wm. Barksdale of Mississippi. 
    O.R.  Singleton of Mississippi. 
    Reuben Davis of Mississippi. 
    Burton Craige of North Carolina. 
    Thomas Ruffin of North Carolina. 
    John Slidell, U.S.  Senator, Louisiana. 
    J.P.  Benjamin, U.S.  Senator, Louisiana. 
    J.M.  Landrum of Louisiana. 
    Louis T. Wigfall, U.S.  Senator, Texas. 
    John Hemphill, U.S.  Senator, Texas. 
    J.H.  Reagan of Texas. 
    M.L.  Bonham of South Carolina. 
    Wm. Porcher Miles of South Carolina. 
    John McQueen of South Carolina. 
    John D. Ashmore of South Carolina.

This proclamation of revolution, when analyzed, reveals with sufficient clearness the design and industry with which the conspirators were step by step building up their preconcerted movement of secession and rebellion.  Every justifying allegation in the document was notoriously untrue.

Instead of the argument being exhausted, it was scarcely begun.  So far from Congressional or constitutional relief having been refused, the Southern demand for them had not been formulated.  Not only had no committee denied hearing or action, but the Democratic Senate, at the instance of a Southern State, had ordered the Committee of Thirteen, which the Democratic and Southern Vice-President had not yet even appointed; and when the names were announced a week later, Jefferson Davis, one of the signers of this complaint of non-action, was the only man who refused to serve on the committee—­a refusal he withdrew when persuaded by his co-conspirators that he could better aid their designs by accepting.  On the other hand, the Committee of Thirty-three, raised by the Republican House, appointed by a Northern Speaker, and presided over by a Northern chairman, had the day before by more than a two-thirds vote distinctly tendered the Southern people “any reasonable, proper, and constitutional remedies and effectual guarantees.”