to be the sentiment of our people upon the subject of your letter, and I give it as an existing fact, without comment as to whether the majority be in error or not.

My own opinions, as an individual, are of little moment.  It will be sufficient to say, that as a States-Rights man, believing in the sovereignty and reserved powers of the States, I will conform my actions to the action of North Carolina, whatever that may be.  To this general observation I will make but a single qualification—­it is this:  I could not in any event assent to, or give my aid to, a political enforcement of the monstrous doctrine of coercion.  I do not for a moment think that North Carolina would become a party to the enforcement of this doctrine, and will not therefore do her the injustice of placing her in that position, even though hypothetically.

    With much respect, I have the honor to be,

    Your ob’t. serv’t,

    JOHN W. ELLIS.

    His Excellency William H. Gist,
    Governor of South Carolina

  [Sidenote] MS. Confederate Archives.

    ALEXANDRIA, LA., 26th October, 1860. 
    His EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR GIST.

DEAR SIR:  Your favor of the 5th inst. was received a few days ago at this place.  I regret my inability to consult with as many of our leading citizens as I wished, but I will not delay in replying any longer.  You will (of course) consider my letter as private, except for use in consultation with friends.  I shall not call a convention in this State if Lincoln is elected, because I have no power or authority to do so.  I infer from your letter that an authority has been vested in you by your Legislature to call a convention in a specified contingency.  Our Legislature has taken no action of that or any similar kind.  That body will meet in regular annual session about the middle of January; but it is not improbable that I may consider it necessary to convene it at an earlier day, if the complexion of the electoral colleges shall indicate the election of Lincoln.

Even if that deplorable event shall be the result of the coming election, I shall not advise the secession of my State, and I will add that I do not think the people of Louisiana will ultimately decide in favor of that course.  I shall recommend that Louisiana meet her sister slaveholding States in council to consult as to the proper course to be pursued, and to endeavor to effect a complete harmony of action.  I fear that this harmony of action, so desirable in so grave an emergency, cannot be effected.  Some of the Cotton States will pursue a more radical policy than will be palatable to the border States, but this only increases the necessity of convening the consultative body of which I have spoken.  I believe in the right of secession for just cause, of which the sovereignty must itself be the judge.  If therefore the general Government shall attempt to coerce a State, and forcibly