riot, which showed me clearly, on a small scale,
what public disorder must always be; and I have
never forgotten that the riot was brought about chiefly
by the agency of dishonest men who professed to be
on the people’s side. Now the danger
hanging over change is great, just in proportion
as it tends to produce such disorder by giving any
large number of ignorant men, whose notions of
what is good are of a low and brutal sort, the
belief that they have got power into their hands and
may do pretty much as they like. If any one
can look round us and say that he sees no signs
of any such danger now, and that our national condition
is running along like a clear broadening stream, safe
not to get choked with mud, I call him a cheerful
man; perhaps he does his own gardening, and seldom
takes exercise far away from home. To us who have
no gardens, and often walk abroad, it is plain
that we can never get into a bit of a crowd but
we must rub clothes with a set of roughs, who have
the worst vices of the worst rich—who are
gamblers, sots, libertines, knaves, or else mere
sensual simpletons and victims. They are
the ugly crop that has sprung up while the stewards
have been sleeping; they are the multiplying brood
begotten by parents who have been left without
all teaching save that of a too-craving body, without
all well-being save the fading delusions of drugged
beer and gin. They are the hideous margin
of society, at one edge drawing towards it the undesigning
ignorant poor, at the other darkening imperceptibly
into the lowest criminal class. Here is one
of the evils which cannot be got rid of quickly,
and against which any of us who have got sense, decency
and instruction have need to watch. That these
degraded fellow-men could really get the mastery
in a persistent disobedience to the laws and in
a struggle to subvert order, I do not believe; but
wretched calamities would come from the very beginning
of such a struggle, and the continuance of it
would be a civil war, in which the inspiration on
both sides might soon cease to be even a false
notion of good, and might become the direct savage
impulse of ferocity. We have all to see to
it that we do not help to rouse what I may call the
savage beast in the breasts of our generation—that
we do not help to poison the nation’s blood,
and make richer provision for bestiality to come.
We know well enough that oppressors have sinned
in this way—that oppression has notoriously
made men mad; and we are determined to resist
oppression. But let us, if possible, show that
we can keep sane in our resistance, and shape
our means more and more reasonably towards the
least harmful, and therefore the speediest, attainment
of our end. Let us, I say, show that our
spirits are too strong to be driven mad, but can
keep that sober determination which alone gives mastery
over the adaptation of means. And a first
guarantee of this sanity will be to act as if
we understood that the fundamental duty of a government
is to preserve order, to enforce obedience of