any particular reason.  But does any one believe that the brewer throws bags of gold into the party funds without any particular reason?  This theory of the secrecy of political money must also be regretfully abandoned; and with it the two other possible excuses as well.  This secrecy is one which cannot be justified as a sensational joke nor as a common human freemasonry, nor as an indescribable personal whim.  Strangely enough, indeed, it violates all three conditions and classes at once.  It is not hidden in order to be revealed:  it is hidden in order to be hidden.  It is not kept secret because it is a common secret of mankind, but because mankind must not get hold of it.  And it is not kept secret because it is too unimportant to be told, but because it is much too important to bear telling.  In short, the thing we have is the real and perhaps rare political phenomenon of an occult government.  We have an exoteric and an esoteric doctrine.  England is really ruled by priestcraft, but not by priests.  We have in this country all that has ever been alleged against the evil side of religion; the peculiar class with privileges, the sacred words that are unpronounceable; the important things known only to the few.  In fact we lack nothing except the religion.

* * * * *

EDWARD VII.  AND SCOTLAND

I have received a serious, and to me, at any rate, an impressive remonstrance from the Scottish Patriotic Association.  It appears that I recently referred to Edward VII. of Great Britain and Ireland, King, Defender of the Faith, under the horrible description of the King of England.  The Scottish Patriotic Association draws my attention to the fact that by the provisions of the Act of Union, and the tradition of nationality, the monarch should be referred to as the King of Britain.  The blow thus struck at me is particularly wounding because it is particularly unjust.  I believe in the reality of the independent nationalities under the British Crown much more passionately and positively than any other educated Englishman of my acquaintance believes in it.  I am quite certain that Scotland is a nation; I am quite certain that nationality is the key of Scotland; I am quite certain that all our success with Scotland has been due to the fact that we have in spirit treated it as a nation.  I am quite certain that Ireland is a nation; I am quite certain that nationality is the key to Ireland; I am quite certain that all our failure in Ireland arose from the fact that we would not in spirit treat it as a nation.  It would be difficult to find, even among the innumerable examples that exist, a stronger example of the immensely superior importance of sentiment to what is called practicality than this case of the two sister nations.  It is not that we have encouraged a Scotchman to be rich; it is not that we have encouraged a Scotchman to be active; it is not that we have encouraged a Scotchman to be free.  It is that we have quite definitely encouraged a Scotchman to be Scotch.