[Footnote 79: Federal Union, Aug. 7, 1830; American Historical Association Report for 1904, I. 469.]
[Footnote 80: American Historical Association Report for 1904, pp. 469, 470.]
[Footnote 81: Federal Union, Oct. 6 and 13 and Dec. 1, 1831.]
There were doubtless episodes of such a sort in many other localities.[82] It was evidently to this period that the reminiscences afterward collected by Olmsted applied. “‘Where I used to live,’” a backwoodsman formerly of Alabama told the traveller, “‘I remember when I was a boy—must ha’ been about twenty years ago—folks was dreadful frightened about the niggers. I remember they built pens in the woods where they could hide, and Christmas time they went and got into the pens, ‘fraid the niggers was risin’.’ ’I remember the same time where we were in South Carolina,’ said his wife, ’we had all our things put up in bags, so we could tote ’em if we heerd they was comin’ our way.’"[83]
[Footnote 82: The discovery of a plot at Shelbyville, Tennessee, was reported at the end of 1832. Niles’ Register, XLI, 340.]
[Footnote 83: F.L. Olmsted, A Journey in the Back Country (New York, 1863), p. 203.]
Another sort of sequel to the Southampton revolt was of course a plenitude of public discussion and of repressive legislation. In Virginia a flood of memorials poured upon the legislature. Petitions signed by 1,188 citizens in twelve counties asked for provision for the expulsion of colored freemen; others with 398 signatures from six counties proposed an amendment to the United States Constitution empowering Congress to aid Virginia to rid herself of all the blacks; others from two colonization societies and 366 citizens in four counties proposed the removal first of the free negroes and then of slaves to be emancipated by private or public procedure; 27 men of Buckingham and Loudon Counties and others in Albemarle,