the tract which his executors had bought for them in Mercer County and had to be scattered elsewhere in the state;[55] in Connecticut the citizens of New Haven resolved in a public meeting in 1831 that a projected college for negroes in that place would not be tolerated, and shortly afterward the townsmen of Canterbury broke up the school which Prudence Crandall attempted to establish there for colored girls.  The legislatures of various Northern states, furthermore, excluded free immigrants as well as discriminating sharply against those who were already inhabitants.  Wherever the negroes clustered numerously, from Boston to Philadelphia and Cincinnati, they were not only brow-beaten and excluded from the trades but were occasionally the victims of brutal outrage whether from mobs or individual persecutors.[56]

[Footnote 51:  Frances Anne Kemble, Journal (London, 1863), p. 7.]

[Footnote 52:  Marshall Hall, The Two-fold Slavery of the United States (London, 1854), p. 17.]

[Footnote 53:  Seaboard Slave States, p. 636.]

[Footnote 54:  Ibid., p. 104.]

[Footnote 55:  F.U.  Quillin, The Color Line in Ohio (Ann Arbor, Mich.), p. 20; Plantation and Frontier, II, 143.]

[Footnote 56:  J.P.  Gordy, Political History of the United States (New York, 1902), II, 404, 405; John Daniels, In Freedom’s Birthplace (Boston, 1914), pp. 25-29; E.R.  Turner, The Negro in Pennsylvania (Washington, 1911), pp. 143-168, 195-204, containing many details; F.U.  Quillin, The Color Line in Ohio, pp. 11-87; C.G.  Woodson, “The Negroes of Cincinnati Prior to the Civil War,” in the Journal of Negro History, I, 1-22; N.D.  Harris, Negro Slavery in Illinois (Chicago, 1906), pp. 226-240.]

In the South, on the other hand, the laws were still more severe but the practice of the white people was much more kindly.  Racial antipathy was there mitigated by the sympathetic tie of slavery which promoted an attitude of amiable patronage even toward the freedmen and their descendants.[57] The tone of the memorials in which many Southern townsmen petitioned for legal exemptions to permit specified free negroes to remain in their communities[58] found no echo from the corresponding type of commonplace unromantic citizens of the North.  A few Southern petitions were of a contrasting tenor, it is true, one for example presented to the city council of Atlanta in 1859:  “We feel aggrieved as Southern citizens that your honorable body tolerates a negro dentist (Roderick Badger) in our midst; and in justice to ourselves and the community it ought to be abated.  We, the residents of Atlanta, appeal to you for justice."[59] But it may readily be guessed that these petitioners were more moved by the interest of rival dentists than by their concern as Southern citizens.  Southern protests of another class, to be discussed below, against the toleration of colored freedmen in general, were prompted by considerations of public security, not by personal dislike.