[Footnote 69: Marshall Hall, The Two-fold Slavery of the United States (London, 1854), p. 154.]
[Footnote 70: W.H. Russell, My Diary North and South (Boston, 1863), pp. 274, 278.]
[Footnote 71: Johann David Schoepf, Travels in the Confederation, A.J. Morrisson, tr. (Philadelphia, 1911), II, 147. But see ibid., pp. 94, 116, for observations of a general air of indolence among whites and blacks alike.]
The capital value of the slaves was an increasingly powerful insurance of their lives and their health. In four days of June, 1836, Thomas Glover of Lowndes County, Alabama, incurred a debt of $35 which he duly paid, for three visits with mileage and prescriptions by Dr. Salley to his “wench Rina";[72] and in the winter of 1858 Nathan Truitt of Troup County, Georgia, had medical attendance rendered to a slave child of his to the amount of $130.50.[73] These are mere chance items in the multitude which constantly recur in probate records. Business prudence required expenditure with almost a lavish hand when endangered property was to be saved. The same consideration applied when famines occurred, as in Alabama in 1828[74] and 1855.[75] Poverty-stricken freemen might perish, but slaveowners could use the slaves themselves as security for credits to buy food at famine prices to feed them.[76] As Olmsted said, comparing famine effects in the South and in Ireland, “the slaves suffered no physical want—the peasant starved."[77] The higher the price of slaves, the more stringent the pressure upon the masters to safeguard them from disease, injury and risk of every sort.
[Footnote 72: MS. receipt in private possession.]
[Footnote 73: MS. probate records at LaGrange, Ga.]
[Footnote 74: Charleston, City Gazette, May 28, 1828.]
[Footnote 75: Olmsted, Seaboard Slave States, pp. 707, 708, quoting contemporary newspapers.]
[Footnote 76: Cf. D.D. Wallace, Life of Henry Laurens, p. 429.]
[Footnote 77: Olmsted, Seaboard Slave States, p. 244.]