states. At those levels prices remained virtually
fixed, in most markets, for nearly a decade as an effect
of South Carolina’s reopening of her ports and
of the hampering of export commerce by the Napoleonic
war. The latter factor prevented even the congressional
stoppage of the foreign slave trade in 1808 from exerting
any strong effect upon slave prices for the time being
except in the sugar district. The next general
movement was in fact a downward one of about $100
a head caused by the War of 1812. At the return
of peace the prices leaped with parallel perpendicularity
in all the markets from $400-$500 in 1814 to twice
that range in 1818, only to be upset by the world-wide
panic of the following year and to descend to levels
of $400 to $600 in 1823. Then came a new rise
in the cotton and sugar districts responding to a
heightened price of their staples, but for once not
evoking a sympathetic movement in the other markets.
A small decline then ensuing gave place to a soaring
movement at New Orleans, in response to the great stimulus
which the protective tariff of 1828 gave to sugar
production. The other markets began in the early
thirties to make up for the tardiness of their rise;
and as a feature of the general inflation of property
values then prevalent everywhere, slave prices rose
to an apex in 1837 of $1,300 in the purchasing markets
and $1,100 in Virginia. The general panic of 1837
began promptly to send them down; and though they advanced
in 1839 as a consequence of a speculative bolstering
of the cotton market that year, they fell all the
faster upon the collapse of that project, finding new
levels of rest only at a range of $500-$700. A
final advance then set in at the middle of the forties
which continued until the highest levels on record
were attained on the eve of secession and war. [Illustration:
PRICES OF SLAVES AND OF COTTON.]
There are thus in the slave price diagram for the
nineteenth century a plateau, with a local peak rising
from its level in the sugar district, and three solid
peaks—all of them separated by intervening
valleys, and all corresponding more or less to the
elevations and depressions in the cotton range.
The plateau, 1803-1812, was prevented from producing
a peak in the eastern markets by the South Carolina
repeal of the slave trade prohibition and by the European
imbroglio. The first common peak, 1818, and its
ensuing trough came promptly upon the establishment
of the characteristic regime of the ante-bellum period,
in which the African reservoir could no longer be
drawn upon to mitigate labor shortages and restrain
the speculative enhancement of slave prices.
The trough of the ’twenties was deeper and broader
in the upper and eastern South than elsewhere partly
because the panic of 1819 had brought a specially
severe financial collapse there from the wrecking
of mushroom canal projects and the like.[21] It is
remarkable that so wide a spread of rates in the several
districts prevailed for so long a period as here appears.
The statistics may of course be somewhat at fault,
but there is reason for confidence that their margin
of error is not great enough to vitiate them.