It was among the mill operatives of Dover, New Hampshire, that the first really important strike involving women occurred.  This was in December of the same year (1828).  On this occasion between three hundred and four hundred women went out.  The next we hear of the Dover girls is six years later, when eight hundred went out in resistance to a cut in wages.  These women and girls were practically all the daughters of farmers and small professional men.  For their day they were well educated, often teaching school during a part of the year.  They prided themselves on being the “daughters of freemen,” and while adapting themselves for the sake of earning a living to the novel conditions of factory employment, they were not made of the stuff to submit tamely to irritating rules of discipline, to petty despotism, and to what they felt was a breach of tacit agreement, involved in periodical cutting of wages.  Although most of them may have but dimly understood that factory employment required the protection of a permanent organization for the operatives, and looked to the temporary combination provided by the strike for the remedy of their ills, still there was more in the air, and more in the minds of some of the girl leaders than just strikes undertaken for the purpose of abolishing single definite wrongs.

That employers recognized this, and were prepared to stifle in the birth any efforts that their women employes might make towards maintaining permanent organizations, is evident by the allusions in the press of the day to the “ironclad oath” by which the employe had to agree, on entering the factory, to accept whatever wage the employer might see fit to pay, and had to promise not to join any combination “whereby the work may be impeded or the company’s interest in any work injured.”

Also we find that no general gathering of organized workingmen could take place without the question of the inroad of women into the factories being hotly debated.  All the speakers would be agreed that the poorly paid and overworked woman was bringing a very dangerous element into the labor world, but there was not the same unanimity when it came to proposing a remedy.  Advice that women should go back into the home was then as now the readiest cure for the evil, for even so early as this the men realized that the underpayment of women meant the underpayment of men, while the employment of women too often meant the dis-employment of men.  But it was not long before the more intelligent understood that there was some great general force at work here, which was not to be dealt with nor the resultant evils cured by a resort to primitive conditions.  Soon there were bodies of workingmen publicly advocating the organization of women into trade unions as the only rational plan of coping with a thoroughly vicious situation.

Meanwhile such a powerful organ as the Boston Courier went so far as to say that the girls ought to be thankful to be employed at all.  If it were not for the poor labor papers of that day we should have little chance of knowing the workers’ side of the story at all.