his health too delicate to enable him to hold a foremost place as orator in the debates of this period.  His habits of mind were, moreover, those of a writer rather than of a public speaker.  But the firmness and moderation of his principles and the clearness and justice of his opinions secured for him a general respect, and gave weight and influence to his counsels.  “In 1839, having been named reporter on the proposition relative to the abolition of slavery in the colonies, he succeeded,” says his biographer, “not only in tracing with an able and sure hand the great principles of justice and of humanity which should lead on the triumph of this holy cause, but also, by words full of respect for existing interests and acquired rights, in preparing the government and the public mind for a concession, and the colonists for a compromise.”  He was frequently intrusted with the duty of reporting on other projects of the first importance; but special labors of this sort did not prevent him from taking broad and large views of the political and moral tendencies of the time, and of forecasting with clear insight the results of the measures of the government and of the influences at work upon the people.  On the 27th of January, 1848, he announced the Revolution, which he saw to be at hand.  A passage from his speech on this occasion is given by M. de Beaumont.  It is striking, when read by the light of subsequent events, for the truth of its inferences, the force of its statements, and its prophetic warnings.  After speaking of the opinions and ideas prevalent among the working classes, he said, “When such opinions take root, when they spread themselves so widely, when they strike down deeply into the masses, they must bring about, sooner or later, I do not know when, I do not know how, but they must bring about, sooner or later, the most formidable revolutions....  I believe that at this moment we are asleep upon a volcano. (Dissent.) I am profoundly convinced of it.”

Tocqueville, thus anticipating the Revolution, was more afflicted and disappointed than surprised, when it overthrew the monarchy in February.  He had comprehended beforehand that its character was to be rather social than simply political.  He had determined to accept it as a necessary evil.  He measured from the first the risk to which the principles to the maintenance of which he was devoted were exposed, the peril which, threatened liberty itself.  Believing that the Republic now afforded the only and perhaps the last chance of liberty in France, and that its downfall would result in throwing power into the hands of an individual ruler, he determined to give all his support to the new government, and to endeavor to work out the good of his country by means which gave little encouragement or hope of success.  He took part in the Constituent Assembly, was one of the committee to form the Constitution, and in the autumn of 1848 represented France as plenipotentiary at the Conference held at Brussels, which had for