with the cause of rebellion. The famous “Ostend
Conference” had had its doings and designs so
thoroughly aired in the columns of the English press,
that we cannot suppose either the editors or the readers
ignorant of the spirit or intentions of those who controlled
the policy of that Administration. Early information
likewise crossed the water to them of the discreditable
and infamous doings and plottings of members of the
Cabinet, evidently in league with the fomenting treachery.
They knew that the head of the Navy Department had
either scattered our ships of war to the ends of the
earth, or had moored them in helpless disability at
our dockyards,—that the head of the War
Department had been plundering the arsenals of loyal
States to furnish weapons for intended rebellion,—that
the head of the Treasury Department was purloining
its funds,—and that the President himself,
while allowing national forts to be environed by hostile
batteries, had formally announced that both Secession
itself and all attempts to resist it were alike unconstitutional,—the
effect of which grave opinion was to let Secession
have its way till
Coercion would seem to be
not only unconstitutional, but unavailing. Our
English kinsfolk also knew that our prominent diplomatic
agents abroad, representing solemn treaty relations
with them of this nation as a unit, under sacred oaths
of loyalty to it, and living on generous grants from
its Treasury, were also in more or less of active
sympathy with traitorous schemes. So far, it
must be owned, there was little in the promise of whatever
might grow from these combined enormities to engage
the confidence or the good wishes of true-hearted
persons on either side of the water.
But whatever power of mischief lay in this marvellous
combination of evil forces, so malignly working together,
the Administration in which they found their life
and whose agencies they employed was soon to yield
up its fearfully desecrated trust. A new order
of things, representing at least the spirit and purpose
of that philanthropy and public righteousness to which
our English brethren had for years been prompting
us, was to come in with a new Administration, already
constitutionally recognized, but not as yet put into
power. It was asking but little of intelligent
foreigners of our own blood and language, that they
should make due allowance for that recurring period
in the terms of our Government—as easily
turned to mischievous influences as is an interregnum
in a monarchy—by which there is a lapse
of four months between the election and the inauguration
of our Chief Magistrate. A retiring functionary
may work and plan and provide an immense amount of
disabling, annoying, and damaging experience to be
encountered by his successor. That successor
may at a distance, or close at hand, be an observer
of all this influence; but whether it be simply of
a partisan or of a malignant character, he is powerless
to resist it, and good taste and the proprieties of