it has thriven,—if they have perverted or
misrepresented the real issue, have ridiculed or discouraged
the purposes of its patriotic opponents, have embarrassed
or impeded their hopes of success, or have prejudged
or foreclosed the probable result,—it will
be admitted, we say, that we have grievances against
those who have so dealt by us in the hour of our dismay
and trial. And it is an enormous aggravation of
the disappointment or the wrong which we are bearing,
that it is visited upon us by England just as we have
initiated measures for at least restraining and abating
the dominant power of that evil institution for our
complicity in the support of which she has long been
our unsparing censor. We complain generally of
the unsympathizing and contemptuous tone of England
towards us,—of the mercurial standard by
which she judges our strife,—of the scarcely
qualified delight with which she parades our occasional
ill-successes and discomfitures,—of the
baste which she has made to find tokens of a rising
despotism or a military dictatorship in those measures
of our Government which are needful and consistent
with the exigencies of a state of warfare, such as
the suspension, on occasions, of the
habeas corpus,
the suppression of disloyal publications, the employment
of spies, and the requisition of passports,—and
finally, of the contemptible service to which England
has tried to put our last tariff, and of her evident
unwillingness to have us find or furnish the finances
of our war. Not to deal, however, with generalities,
we proceed to make three distinct points of an argument
that crowds us with materials.
Foremost among the grievances which we at the North
may allege against our brethren across the water—foremost,
both in time and in the harmful influence of its working—we
may specify this fact, that the English press, with
scarce an exception, made haste, in the very earliest
stages of the Southern Rebellion, to judge and announce
the hopeless partition of our Union, as an event accomplished
and irrevocable. The way in which this judgment
was reached and pronounced, the time and circumstances
of its utterance, and the foregone conclusions which
were drawn from it, gave to it a threatening and mischievous
agency, only less prejudicial to our cause, we verily
believe, than would have been an open alliance between
England and the enemies of the Republic. This
haste to announce the positive and accomplished dissolution
of our National Union was forced most painfully upon
our notice in the darkest days of our opening strife.
Those who undertook to guide and instruct English opinion
in the matter had easy means of informing themselves
about the strangely fortuitous and deplorable, though
most opportune and favoring combination of circumstances
under which “Secession” was initiated and
strengthened. They knew that the Administration,
then in its last days of power, was half-covertly,
half-avowedly in sympathy and in active cooperation