We must allow also for exceptions to the sweep of the specific charges under which we shall express our grievances at the general course of English treatment towards us.  There have been messages in many private letters from Englishmen and Englishwomen of high public and of dignified private station, there have been editorials and communications in a few English papers, there have been brief utterances in Parliament, and from leading speakers at political, mercantile, literary, and religious assemblies, which have shown a full appreciation of the import of our present strife, and have conveyed to us in words of most precious and grateful encouragement the assurance that many hearts are beating with ours across the sea.  That the truculence and venom of some of our own papers may have repressed the feeling and the utterance of this same sympathy in many individuals and ways where it might otherwise have manifested itself is not unnatural, and is very probable.  We acknowledge most gratefully the cheer and the inspiration which have come to us from every word, wish, and act from abroad that has recognized the stake of our conflict; and we will take for granted the real existence and the glowing heartiness of much of the same which has not been expressed, or has not reached us.  Farther even than this we will go in tempering or qualifying the utterance of our grievances.  We will take for granted that very much of the coldness, or antipathy, or contemptuousness, or misrepresentation which we have recognized in the general treatment of us and our cause by Englishmen is to be accounted to actual ignorance or a very partial understanding of our real circumstances and of the conditions of the conflict, and of the relations of parties to it.  De Tocqueville is universally regarded among us as the only foreigner who ever divined the theoretical and the practical method of our institutions.  Englishmen, English statesmen even, have never penetrated to the mystery of them.  Many intelligent British travellers have seemed to wish to do so, and to have tried to do so.  But the study bothers them, the secret baffles them.  They give it up with a gruff impatience which writes on their features the sentence, “You have no right to have such complicated and unintelligible arrangements in your governments, State and Federal:  they are quite un-English.”  Our foreign kinsfolk seem unwilling to realize the extent of our domain, and the size of some of our States as compared with their own island, and incapable of understanding how different institutions, forms, limitations, and governmental arrangements may exist in the several States, independently of, or in subordination to, the province and administration of the Federal Government.  Nearly every English journal which undertakes to refer to our affairs will make ludicrous or serious blunders, if venturing to enter into details.  The “Edinburgh Review” kindly volunteered to be the champion of American institutions and products