A part of our surplus population, indeed—­so far as present conditions point—­will always be driven to seek a livelihood outside the borders of the German Empire.  Measures must be taken to the extent at least of providing that the German element is not split up in the world, but remains united in compact blocks, and thus forms, even in foreign countries, political centres of gravity in our favour, markets for our exports, and centres for the diffusion of German culture.

An intensive colonial policy is for us especially an absolute necessity.  It has often been asserted that a “policy of the open door” can replace the want of colonies of our own, and must constitute our programme for the future, just because we do not possess sufficient colonies.  This notion is only justified in a certain sense.  In the first place, such a policy does not offer the possibility of finding homes for the overflow population in a territory of our own; next, it does not guarantee the certainty of an open and unrestricted trade competition.  It secures to all trading nations equal tariffs, but this does not imply by any means competition under equal conditions.  On the contrary, the political power which is exercised in such a country is the determining factor in the economic relations.  The principle of the open door prevails everywhere—­in Egypt, Manchuria, in the Congo State, in Morocco—­and everywhere the politically dominant Power controls the commerce:  in Manchuria Japan, in Egypt England, in the Congo State Belgium, and in Morocco France.  The reason is plain.  All State concessions fall naturally to that State which is practically dominant; its products are bought by all the consumers who are any way dependent on the power of the State, quite apart from the fact that by reduced tariffs and similar advantages for the favoured wares the concession of the open door can be evaded in various ways.  A “policy of the open door” must at best be regarded as a makeshift, and as a complement of a vigorous colonial policy.  The essential point is for a country to have colonies or its own and a predominant political influence in the spheres where its markets lie.  Our German world policy must be guided by these considerations.

The execution of such political schemes would certainly clash with many old-fashioned notions and vested rights of the traditional European policy.  In the first place, the principle of the balance of power in Europe, which has, since the Congress of Vienna, led an almost sacrosanct but entirely unjustifiable existence, must be entirely disregarded.