Switzerland and Belgium count as neutral.  The former was declared neutral at the Congress of Vienna on November 20, 1815, under the collective guarantee [C] of the signatory Powers; Belgium, in the Treaties of London of November 15,1831, and of April 19,1839, on the part of the five Great Powers, the Netherlands, and Belgium itself.

[Footnote C:  By a collective guarantee is understood the duty of the contracting Powers to take steps to protect this neutrality when all agree that it is menaced.  Each individual Power has the right to interfere if it considers the neutrality menaced.]

If we look at these conditions as a whole, it appears that on the continent of Europe the power of the Central European Triple Alliance and that of the States united against it by alliance and agreement balance each other, provided that Italy belongs to the league.  If we take into calculation the imponderabilia, whose weight can only be guessed at, the scale is inclined slightly in favour of the Triple Alliance.  On the other hand, England indisputably rules the sea.  In consequence of her crushing naval superiority when allied with France, and of the geographical conditions, she may cause the greatest damage to Germany by cutting off her maritime trade.  There is also a not inconsiderable army available for a continental war.  When all considerations are taken into account, our opponents have a political superiority not to be underestimated.  If France succeeds in strengthening her army by large colonial levies and a strong English landing-force, this superiority would be asserted on land also.  If Italy really withdraws from the Triple Alliance, very distinctly superior forces will be united against Germany and Austria.

Under these conditions the position of Germany is extraordinarily difficult.  We not only require for the full material development of our nation, on a scale corresponding to its intellectual importance, an extended political basis, but, as explained in the previous chapter, we are compelled to obtain space for our increasing population and markets for our growing industries.  But at every step which we take in this direction England will resolutely oppose us.  English policy may not yet have made the definite decision to attack us; but it doubtless wishes, by all and every means, even the most extreme, to hinder every further expansion of German international influence and of German maritime power.  The recognized political aims of England and the attitude of the English Government leave no doubt on this point.  But if we were involved in a struggle with England, we can be quite sure that France would not neglect the opportunity of attacking our flank.  Italy, with her extensive coast-line, even if still a member of the Triple Alliance, will have to devote large forces to the defence of the coast to keep off the attacks of the Anglo-French Mediterranean Fleet, and would thus be only able to employ weaker forces against