of Slavism is not merely an obligation inherited from our fathers, but a duty in the interests of self-preservation and European civilization.  It cannot yet be determined whether we can keep off this vast flood by pacific precautions.  It is not improbable that the question of Germanic or Slavonic supremacy will be once more decided by the sword.  The probability of such a conflict grows stronger as we become more lax in pacific measures of defence, and show less determination to protect the German soil at all costs.

The further duty of supporting the Germans in foreign countries in their struggle for existence and of thus keeping them loyal to their nationality, is one from which, in our direct interests, we cannot withdraw.  The isolated groups of Germans abroad greatly benefit our trade, since by preference they obtain their goods from Germany; but they may also be useful to us politically, as we discover in America.  The American-Germans have formed a political alliance with the Irish, and thus united, constitute a power in the State, with which the Government must reckon.

Finally, from the point of view of civilization, it is imperative to preserve the German spirit, and by so doing to establish foci of universal culture.

Even if we succeed in guarding our possessions in the East and West, and in preserving the German nationality in its present form throughout the world, we shall not be able to maintain our present position, powerful as it is, in the great competition with the other Powers, if we are contented to restrict ourselves to our present sphere of power, while the surrounding countries are busily extending their dominions.  If we wish to compete further with them, a policy which our population and our civilization both entitle and compel us to adopt, we must not hold back in the hard struggle for the sovereignty of the world.

Lord Rosebery, speaking at the Royal Colonial Institute on March 1, 1893, expressed himself as follows:  “It is said that our Empire is already large enough and does not need expansion....  We shall have to consider not what we want now, but what we want in the future....  We have to remember that it is part of our responsibility and heritage to take care that the world, so far as it can be moulded by us, should receive the Anglo-Saxon and not another character.” [D]

[Footnote D:  This passage is quoted in the book of the French ex-Minister Hanotaux, “Fashoda et le partage de l’Afrique.”]

That is a great and proud thought which the Englishman then expressed.

If we count the nations who speak English at the present day, and if we survey the countries which acknowledge the rule of England, we must admit that he is justified from the English point of view.  He does not here contemplate an actual world-sovereignty, but the predominance of the English spirit is proclaimed in plain language.