of defence; nay, they are to be encouraged to it, by an assurance of having their votes in the National Government increased in proportion; and are, at the same time, to have their exports and their slaves exempt from all contributions for the public service.  Let it not be said, that direct taxation is to be proportioned to representation.  It is idle to suppose that the General Government can stretch its hand directly into the pockets of the people, scattered over so vast a country.  They can only do it through the medium of exports, imports and excises.  For what, then, are all the sacrifices to be made?  He would sooner submit himself to a tax for paying for all the negroes in the United States, than saddle posterity with such a Constitution.

Mr. DAYTON seconded the motion.  He did it, he said, that his sentiments on the subject might appear, whatever might be the fate of the amendment.

Mr. SHERMAN did not regard the admission of the negroes into the ratio of representation, as liable to such insuperable objections.  It was the freemen of the Southern States who were, in fact, to be represented according to the taxes paid by them, and the negroes are only included in the estimate of the taxes.  This was his idea of the matter.

Mr. PINCKNEY considered the fisheries, and the western frontier, as more burdensome to the United States than the slaves.  He thought this could be demonstrated, if the occasion were a proper one.

Mr. WILSON thought the motion premature.  An agreement to the clause would be no bar to the object of it.

On the question, on the motion to insert “free” before “inhabitants,” New-Jersey, aye—­1; New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, no—­10.—­pp. 1261-2-3-4-5-6.

THURSDAY, August 16, 1787.

Mr. MASON urged the necessity of connecting with the powers of levying taxes, duties, &c., the prohibition in Article 6, Sect. 4, “that no tax should be laid on exports.”

He hoped the Northern States did not mean to deny the Southern this security.

MR. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS considered such a proviso as inadmissible anywhere.

MR. MADISON.  Fourthly, the Southern States, being most in danger and most needing naval protection, could the less complain, if the burthen should be somewhat heaviest on them.  And finally, we are not providing for the present moment only; and time will equalize the situation of the States in this matter.  He was, for these reasons, against the motion.

MR. MERCER.  It had been said the Southern States had most need of naval protection.  The reverse was the case.  Were it not for promoting the carrying trade of the Northern States, the Southern States could let the trade go into foreign bottoms, where it would not need our protection.—­pp. 1339-40-41-42.

TUESDAY, August 21, 1787.

Articles 7, Section 3, was then resumed.