The second section was then read as follows: 

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No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.

Mr. George Mason.—­Mr. Chairman, on some former part of the investigation of this subject, gentlemen were pleased to make some observations on the security of property coming within this section.  It was then said, and I now say, that there is no security, nor have gentlemen convinced me of this.

Mr. Henry.  Among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume, they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves if they please.  And this must and will be done by men, a majority of whom have not a common interest with you.  They will, therefore, have no feeling for your interests.  It has been repeatedly said here, that the great object of a national government, was national defence.  That power which is said to be intended for security and safety, may be rendered detestable and oppressive.  If you give power to the general government to provide for the general defence, the means must be commensurate to the end.  All the means in the possession of the people must be given to the government which is entrusted with the public defence.  In this State there are 236,000 blacks, and there are many in several other States.  But there are few or none in the Northern States, and yet if the Northern States shall be of opinion, that our numbers are numberless, they may call forth every national resource.  May Congress not say, that every black man must fight?  Did we not see a little of this last war?  We were not so hard pushed, as to make emancipation general.  But acts of assembly passed, that every slave who would go to the army should be free.  Another thing will contribute to bring this event about—­slavery is detested—­we feel its fatal effects—­we deplore it with all the pity of humanity.  Let all these considerations, at some future period, press with full force on the minds of Congress.  Let that urbanity, which I trust will distinguish America, and the necessity of national defence, let all these things operate on their minds, they will search that paper, and see if they have power of manumission.  And have they not, sir?  Have they not power to provide for the general defence and welfare?  May they not think that these call for the abolition of slavery?  May not they pronounce all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power?  There is no ambiguous implication or logical deduction.  The paper speaks to the point.  They have the power in clear, unequivocal terms; and will clearly and certainly exercise it.  As much as I deplore slavery, I see that prudence forbids its abolition.  I deny that the general government ought to set them