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PENNSYLVANIA CONVENTION.

Mr. Wilson.  Much fault has been found with the mode of expression, used in the first clause of the ninth section of the first article.  I believe I can assign a reason, why that mode of expression was used, and why the term slave was not admitted in this constitution—­and as to the manner of laying taxes, this is not the first time that the subject has come into the view of the United States, and of the legislatures of the several states.  The gentleman, (Mr. Findley) will recollect, that in the present congress, the quota of the federal debt, and general expenses, was to be in proportion to the value of land, and other enumerated property, within the states.  After trying this for a number of years, it was found on all hands, to be a mode that could not be carried into execution.  Congress were satisfied of this, and in the year 1783 recommended, in conformity with the powers they possessed under the articles of confederation, that the quota should be according to the number of free people, including those bound to servitude, and excluding Indians not taxed.  These were the expressions used in 1783, and the fate of this recommendation was similar to all their other resolutions.  It was not carried into effect, but it was adopted by no fewer than eleven, out of thirteen states; and it cannot but be matter of surprise, to hear gentlemen, who agreed to this very mode of expression at that time, come forward and state it as an objection on the present occasion.  It was natural, sir, for the late convention, to adopt the mode after it had been agreed to by eleven states, and to use the expression, which they found had been received as unexceptional before.  With respect to the clause, restricting congress from prohibiting the migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states now existing, shall think proper to admit, prior to the year 1808.  The honorable gentleman says, that this cause is not only dark, but intended to grant to congress, for that time, the power to admit the importation of slaves.  No such thing was intended; but I will tell you what was done, and it gives me high pleasure, that so much was done.  Under the present confederation, the states may admit the importation of slaves as long as they please; but by this article, after the year 1808 the congress will have power to prohibit such importation, notwithstanding the disposition of any state to the contrary.  I consider this as laying the foundation for banishing slavery out of this country; and though the period is more distant than I could wish, yet it will produce the same kind, gradual change, which was pursued in Pennsylvania.  It is with much satisfaction I view this power in the general government, whereby they may lay an interdiction on this reproachful trade; but an immediate advantage is also obtained, for a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person; and this, sir,