Mr. Langdon was strenuous for giving the power to the General Government.  He could not, with a good conscience, have it with the States, who could then go on with the traffic, without being restrained by the opinions here given, that they will themselves cease to import slaves.

Gen. Pinckney thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he did not think South Carolina would stop her importations of slaves, in any short time; but only stop them occasionally as she now does.  He moved to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax with other imports; which he thought right, and which would remove one difficulty that had been started.

Mr. Rutledge.  If the Convention thinks that North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, will ever agree to the plan, unless their right to import slaves be untouched, the expectation is vain.  The people of those States will never be such fools, as to give up so important an interest.  He was strenuous against striking out the section, and seconded the motion of Gen. Pinckney for a commitment.

Mr. Gouverneur Morris wished the whole subject to be committed including the clauses relating to taxes on exports and to a navigation act.  These things may form a bargain among the Northern and Southern States.

Mr. Butler declared that he never would agree to the power of taxing exports.

Mr. Sherman said it was better to let the Southern States import slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a sine qua non.  He was opposed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the matter worse, because it implied they were property.  He acknowledged that if the power of prohibiting the importation should be given to the General Government, that it would be exercised.  He thought it would be its duty to exercise the power.

Mr. Read was for the commitment, provided the clause concerning taxes on experts should also be committed.

Mr. Sherman observed that that clause had been agreed to, and therefore could not be committed.

Mr. Randolph was for committing, in order that some middle ground might, if possible, be found.  He could never agree to the clause as it stands.  He would sooner risk the Constitution.  He dwelt on the dilemma to which the Convention was exposed.  By agreeing to the clause, it would revolt the Quakers, the Methodists, and many others in the States having no slaves.  On the other hand, two States might be lost to the Union.  Let us then, he said, try the chance of a commitment.

On the question for committing the remaining part of Sections 4 and 5, of Article 7,—­Connecticut, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye—­7; New Hampshire, Pennsylvania, Delaware, no—­3; Massachusetts absent. p. 1390-97.  Friday, August 24, 1787.

In Convention,—­Governor Livingston, from the committee of eleven, to whom were referred the two remaining clauses of the fourth section, and the fifth and sixth sections, of the seventh Article, delivered in the following Report: