more highly, and pursue them more zealously, because
they think, that success in them will set in motion
very powerful, if not indeed resistless influences
against slavery in the slave states, you are right
in this also. I am aware, that the latter concession
brings abolitionists under the condemnation of that
celebrated book, written by a
modern limiter
of “human responsibility”—not
by the
ancient one, who exclaimed, “Am
I my brother’s keeper?” In that book, to
which, by the way, the infamous Atherton Resolutions
are indebted for their keynote, and grand pervading
idea, we find the doctrine, that even if it were the
duty of Congress to abolish slavery in the District
of Columbia, the North nevertheless should not seek
for such abolition, unless the object of it be “ultimate
within itself.” If it be “for the
sake of something ulterior” also—if
for the sake of inducing the slaveholders of the slave
states to emancipate their slaves—then we
should not seek for it. Let us try this doctrine
in another application—in one, where its
distinguished author will not feel so much delicacy,
and so much fear of giving offence. His reason
why we should not go for the abolition of slavery
in the District of Columbia, unless our object in
it be “ultimate within itself,” and unaccompanied
by the object of producing an influence against slavery
in the slave states, is, that the Federal Constitution
has left the matter of slavery in the slave states
to those states themselves. But will President
Wayland say, that it has done so to any greater extent,
than it has left the matter of gambling-houses and
brothels in those states to those states themselves?
He will not, if he consider the subject:—though,
I doubt not, that when he wrote his bad book, he was
under the prevailing error, that the Federal Constitution
tied up the hands and limited the power of the American
people in respect to slavery, more than to any other
vice.
But to the other application. We will suppose,
that Great Britain has put down the gambling-houses
and brothels in her wide dominions—that
Mexico has done likewise; and that the George Thompsons,
and Charles Stuarts, and other men of God, have come
from England to beseech the people of the northern
states to do likewise within their respective jurisdictions;—and
we will further suppose, that those foreign missionaries,
knowing the obstinate and infatuated attachment of
the people of the southern states to their gambling-houses
and brothels, should attempt, and successfully, too,
to blend with the motive of the people of the northern
states to get rid of their own gambling houses and
brothels, the motive of influencing the people of the
southern states to get rid of theirs—what,
we ask, would this eminent divine advise in such a
case? Would he have the people of the northern
states go on in their good work, and rejoice in the
prospect, not only that these polluting and ruinous
establishments would soon cease to exist within all