they were betrayed, when they imparted to the work
of their hands any power to contribute to the
continuance of such a system. They can only palliate
it, by supposing, that they thought, slavery was already
a waning institution, destined soon to pass away.
In their time, (1787) slaves were comparatively of
little value—there being then no great slave-labor
staple (as cotton is now) to make them profitable to
their holders.[A] Had the circumstances of the country
remained as they then were, slave-labor, always and
every where the most expensive—would have
disappeared before the competition of free labour.
They had seen, too, the principle of universal liberty,
on which the Revolution was justified, recognised
and embodied in most of the State Constitutions; they
had seen slavery utterly forbidden in that of Vermont
—instantaneously abolished in that of Massachusetts—and
laws enacted in the New-England States and in Pennsylvania,
for its gradual abolition. Well might they have
anticipated, that Justice and Humanity, now starting
forth with fresh vigor, would, in their march, sweep
away the whole system; more especially, as freedom
of speech and of the press—the legitimate
abolisher not only of the acknowledged vice of slavery,
but of every other that time should reveal in our institutions
or practices—had been fully secured to the
people. Again; power was conferred on Congress
to put a stop to the African slave-trade, without
which it was thought, at that time, to be impossible
to maintain slavery, as a system, on this continent,—so
great was the havoc it committed on human life.
Authority was also granted to Congress to prevent
the transfer of slaves, as articles of commerce, from
one State to another; and the introduction of slavery
into the territories. All this was crowned by
the power of refusing admission into the Union, to
any new state, whose form of government was repugnant
to the principles of liberty set forth in that of
the United States. The faithful execution, by
Congress, of these powers, it was reasonably enough
supposed, would, at least, prevent the growth of slavery,
if it did not entirely remove it. Congress did,
at the set time, execute one of them—deemed,
then, the most effectual of the whole; but, as it has
turned out, the least so.
[Footnote A: The cultivation of cotton was almost unknown in the United States before 1787. It was not till two years afterward that it began to be raised or exported. (See Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, Feb. 29, 1836.)—See Appendix, D.]
The effect of the interdiction of the African slave-trade was, not to diminish the trade itself, or greatly to mitigate its horrors; it only changed its name from African to American—transferred the seat of commerce from Africa to America—its profits from African princes to American farmers. Indeed, it is almost certain, if the African slave-trade had been left unrestrained, that slavery would not