The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4 eBook

American Anti-Slavery Society
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 1,269 pages of information about The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4.

The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4 eBook

American Anti-Slavery Society
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 1,269 pages of information about The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4.

Mr. MASON could not agree to the motion, notwithstanding it was favorable to Virginia, because he thought it unjust.  It was certain that the slaves were valuable, as they raised the value of land, increased the exports and imports, and of course the revenue, would supply the means of feeding and supporting an army, and might in cases of emergency become themselves soldiers.  As in these important respects they were useful to the community at large, they ought not to be excluded from the estimate of representation.  He could not, however, regard them as equal to freemen, and could not vote for them as such.  He added, as worthy of remark, that the Southern States have this peculiar species of property, over and above the other species of property common to all the States.

Mr. WILLIAMSON reminded Mr. GORHAM that if the Southern States contended for the inferiority of blacks to whites when taxation was in view, the Eastern States, on the same occasion, contended for their equality.  He did not, however, either then or now, concur in either extreme, but approved of the ratio of three-fifths.

On Mr. BUTLER’S motion, for considering blacks as equal to whites in the apportionment of representation,—­Delaware, South Carolina, Georgia, aye—­3; Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, no—­7; New York, not on the floor.

Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS said he had several objections to the proposition of Mr. WILLIAMSON.  In the first place, it fettered the Legislature too much.  In the second place, it would exclude some States altogether who would not have a sufficient number to entitle them to a single representation.  In the third place, it will not consist with the resolution passed on Saturday last, authorizing the Legislature to adjust the representation from time to time on the principles of population and wealth; nor with the principles of equity.  If slaves were to be considered as inhabitants, not as wealth, then the said Resolution would not be pursued; if as wealth, then why is no other wealth but slaves included?  These objections may perhaps be removed by amendments.

Mr. KING thought there was great force in the objections of Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.  He would, however, accede to the proposition for the sake of doing something.

Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.  Another objection with him, against admitting the blacks into the census, was, that the people of Pennsylvania would revolt at the idea of being put on a footing with slaves.  They would reject any plan that was to have such an effect.

Mr. MADISON.  Future contributions, it seemed to be understood on all hands, would be principally levied on imports and exports.—­pp. 1066-7-8-9; 1070-2-3.

On the question on the first clause of Mr. WILLIAMSON’s motion, as to taking a census of the free inhabitants, it passed in the affirmative,—­Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, aye—­6; Delaware, Maryland, South Carolina, Georgia, no—­4.

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The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.