Here, as in the clause we have already examined, veiled beneath a form of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic government, is a provision for the safety, perpetuity and augmentation of the slaveholding power—­a provision scarcely less atrocious than that which related to the African slave trade, and almost as afflictive in its operation—­a provision still in force, with no possibility of its alteration, so long as a majority of the slave States choose to maintain their slave system—­a provision which, at the present time, enables the South to have twenty-five additional representatives in Congress on the score of property, while the North is not allowed to have one—­a provision which concedes to the oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all others, and then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors, to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous authority, and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding States.

Referring to this atrocious bargain, ALEXANDER HAMILTON remarked in the New York Convention—­

“The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a representation for three-fifths of the negroes.  Much has been said of the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own:  whether this is reasoning, or declamation, (!!) I will not presume to say.  It is the unfortunate situation of the Southern States to have a great part of their population, as well as property, in blacks.  The regulation complained of was one result of the spirit of accommodation which governed the Convention:  and without this indulgence, NO UNION COULD POSSIBLY HAVE BEEN FORMED. But, sir, considering some peculiar advantages which we derive from them, it is entirely JUST that they should be gratified.—­The Southern States possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.—­which must be capital objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be felt throughout the United states.”

If such was the patriotism, such the love of liberty, such the morality of ALEXANDER HAMILTON, what can be said of the character of those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing American independence, and in framing the American Constitution?

Listen, now, to the questions of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, respecting the constitutional clause now under consideration:—­

“’In outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in fact, it is a representation of their masters,—­the oppressor representing the oppressed.’—­’Is it in the compass of human imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?’—­’The representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee of the person whom he represents,