Mr. Z. Johnson.  They tell us that they see a progressive danger of bringing about emancipation.  The principle has begun since the revolution.  Let us do what we will, it will come round.  Slavery has been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which have been so much disseminated among our countrymen.  If it were totally abolished, it would do much good.

* * * * *

NORTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.

The first three clauses of the second section read.

Mr. Goudy.  Mr. Chairman, this clause of taxation will give an advantage to some States over others.  It will be oppressive to the Southern States.  Taxes are equal to our representation.  To augment our taxes and increase our burthens, our negroes are to be represented.  If a State has fifty thousand negroes, she is to send one representative for them.  I wish not to be represented with negroes, especially if it increases my burthens.

Mr. Davie.  Mr. Chairman, I will endeavor to obviate what the gentleman last up has said.  I wonder to see gentlemen so precipitate and hasty on the subject of such awful importance.  It ought to be considered, that some of us are slow of apprehension, not having those quick conceptions, and luminous understandings, of which other gentlemen may be possessed.  The gentleman “does not wish to be represented with negroes.”  This, sir, is an unhappy species of population, but we cannot at present alter their situation.  The Eastern States had great jealousies on this subject.  They insisted that their cows and horses were equally entitled to representation; that the one was property as well as the other.  It became our duty on the other hand, to acquire as much weight as possible in the legislation of the Union; and as the Northern States were more populous in whites, this only could be done by insisting that a certain proportion of our slaves should make a part of the computed population.  It was attempted to form a rule of representation from a compound ratio of wealth and population; but, on consideration, it was found impracticable to determine the comparative value of lands, and other property, in so extensive a territory, with any degree of accuracy; and population alone was adopted as the only practicable rule or criterion of representation.  It was urged by the deputies of the Eastern States, that a representation of two-fifths would be of little utility, and that their entire representation would be unequal and burthensome.  That in a time of war, slaves rendered a country more vulnerable, while its defence devolved upon its free inhabitants.  On the other hand, we insisted, that in time of peace they contributed by their labor to the general wealth as well as other members of the community.  That as rational beings they had a right of representation, and in some instances might be highly useful in war.  On these principles, the Eastern States gave the matter up, and consented to the regulation as it has been read.  I hope these reasons will appear satisfactory.  It is the same rule or principle which was proposed some years ago by Congress, and assented to by twelve of the States.  It may wound the delicacy of the gentleman from Guilford, [Mr. Goudy,] but I hope he will endeavor to accommodate his feelings to the interests and circumstances of his country.