The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4 eBook

American Anti-Slavery Society
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 1,269 pages of information about The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4.

The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4 eBook

American Anti-Slavery Society
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 1,269 pages of information about The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4.

“’ABOLITION.—­The reader is referred to an interesting article which we have copied from the Cincinnati Republican—­a paper which lately supported the principles of Democracy; a paper which has turned, but not quite far enough to act with the Adamses and Slades in Congress, or the Whig abolitionists of Ohio.  It does not, however, give a correct view of the strength of the abolitionists in Cincinnati.  There they are in the ascendant.  They control the city elections, regulate what may be termed the morals of the city, give tone to public opinion, and “rule the roast,” by virtue of their superior piety and intelligence.  The Republican tells us, that they are not laboring Loco Focos—­but “drones” and “consumers”—­the “rich and well-born,” of course; men who have leisure and means, and a disposition to employ the latter, to equalize whites and blacks in the slaveholding States.  Even now, the absconding slave is perfectly safe in Cincinnati.  We doubt whether an instance can be adduced of the recovery of a runaway in that place in the last four years.  When negroes reach “the Queen city” they are protected by its intelligence, its piety, and its wealth.  They receive the aid of the elite of the Buckeyes; and we have a strong faction in Kentucky, struggling zealously to make her one of the dependencies of Cincinnati!  Let our mutual sons go on.  The day of mutual retribution is at hand—­much nearer than is now imagined.  The Republican, which still looks with a friendly eye to the slaveholding States, warns us of the danger which exists, although its new-born zeal for Whiggery prompts it to insist, indirectly, on the right of petitioning Congress to abolish slavery.  There are about two hundred and fifty abolition societies in Ohio at the present time, and, from the circular issued at head quarters, Cincinnati, it appears that agents are to be sent through every county to distribute books and pamphlets designed to inflame the public mind, and then organize additional societies—­or, rather, form new clans, to aid in the war which has been commenced on the slaveholding States.’”

I do not, sir, underwrite for the truth of this statement as an entire whole; much of it I repel as an unjust charge on my fellow-citizens of Cincinnati; but, as it comes from a slaveholding State—­from the State of the Senator who has so eloquently anathematized abolitionists that it is almost a pity they could not die under such sweet sounds—­and as the South Carolina Senator pronounces them dead, I produce this from a slaveholding State, for the special benefit and consolation of the two Senators.  It comes from a source to which, I am sure, both gentlemen ought to give credit.  But suppose, sir, that abolitionism is dead, is liberty dead also and slavery triumphant?  Is liberty of speech, of the press, and the right of petition also dead?  True, it has been strangled here; but gentlemen will find themselves in great error if they suppose it also strangled in the country;

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The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.