country to remember, that the resolutions which I
have offered on the same subject have not only been
refused the printing, but have been laid on the table
without being debated, or referred. Posterity,
which shall read the proceedings of this time, may
well wonder what power could induce the Senate of the
United States to proceed in such a strange and contradictory
manner. Permit me to tell the country now what
this power behind the throne, greater than the throne
itself, is. It is the power of SLAVERY. It
is a power, according to the calculation of the Senator
from Kentucky, which owns twelve hundred millions
of dollars in human beings as property; and if money
is power, this power is not to be conceived or calculated;
a power which claims human property more than double
the amount which the whole money of the world could
purchase. What can stand before this power?
Truth, everlasting truth, will yet overthrow it.
This power is aiming to govern the country, its constitutions
and laws; but it is not certain of success, tremendous
as it is, without foreign or other aid. Let it
be borne in mind that the Bank power, some years since,
during what has been called the panic session, had
influence sufficient in this body, and upon this floor,
to prevent the reception of petitions against the
action of the Senate on their resolutions of censure
against the President. The country took instant
alarm, and the political complexion of this body was
changed as soon as possible. The same power,
though double in means and in strength, is now doing
the same thing. This is the array of power that
even now is attempting such an unwarrantable course
in this country; and the people are also now moving
against the slave, as they formerly did against the
Bank power. It, too, begins to tremble for its
safety. What is to be done? Why, petitions
are received and ordered to be printed, against the
right of petitions which are not received, and the
whole power of debate is thrown into the scale with
the slaveholding power. But all will not do;
these two powers must now be united: an amalgamation
of the black power of the South with the white power
of the North must take place, as either, separately,
cannot succeed in the destruction of the liberty of
speech and the press, and the right of petition.
Let me tell gentlemen, that both united will never
succeed; as I said on a former day, God forbid that
they should ever rule this country! I have seen
this billing and cooing between these different interests
for some time past; I informed my private friends
of the political party with which I have heretofore
acted, during the first week of this session, that
these powers were forming a union to overthrow the
present administration; and I warned them of the folly
and mischief they were doing in their abuse of those
who were opposed to slavery. All doubts are now
terminated. The display made by the Senator from
Kentucky, [Mr. Clay,] and his denunciations of these
petitioners as abolitionists, and the hearty response
and cordial embrace which his efforts met from the
Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun,] clearly
shows that new moves have taken place on the political
chessboard, and new coalitions are formed, new compromises
and new bargains, settling and disposing of the rights
of the country for the advantage of political aspirants.