The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 2 of 4 eBook

American Anti-Slavery Society
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 1,105 pages of information about The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 2 of 4.

The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 2 of 4 eBook

American Anti-Slavery Society
This eBook from the Gutenberg Project consists of approximately 1,105 pages of information about The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 2 of 4.

Mr. Page, of Virginia, (afterwards Governor)—­“Was in favor of the commitment:  he hoped that the designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the memorial.  He placed himself in the case of a slave, and said, that on hearing that Congress had refused to listen to the decent suggestions of the respectable part of the community, he should infer, that the general government, from which was expected great good would result to EVERY CLASS of citizens, had shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in prospect; if any thing could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair.  But if he was told, that application was made in his behalf, and that Congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their justice and humanity, and wait the decision patiently.”

Mr. Scott of Pennsylvania:  “I cannot, for my part, conceive how any person can be said to acquire a property in another.  I do not know how far I might go, if I was one of the judges of the United States, and those people were to come before me and claim their emancipation, but I am sure I would go as far as I could.”

Mr. Burke, of South Carolina, said, “He saw the disposition of the House, and he feared it would be referred to a committee, maugre all their opposition.”

Mr. Baldwin of Georgia said that the clause in the U.S.  Constitution relating to direct taxes “was intended to prevent Congress from laying any special tax upon negro slaves, as they might, in this way, so burthen the possessors of them, as to induce a GENERAL EMANCIPATION.”

Mr. Smith of South Carolina, said, “That on entering into this government, they (South Carolina and Georgia) apprehended that the other states, * * * would, from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general emancipation.”

In the debate, at the same session, May 13th, 1789, on the petition of the society of Friends respecting the slave trade, Mr. Parker, of Virginia, said, “He hoped Congress would do all that lay in their power to restore to human nature its inherent privileges.  The inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged should be done away.”

Mr. Jackson, of Georgia, said, “IT WAS THE FASHION OF THE DAY TO FAVOR THE LIBERTY OF THE SLAVES. * * * * * Will Virginia set her negroes free? When this practice comes to be tried, then the sound of liberty will lose those charms which make it grateful to the ravished ear.”

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The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 2 of 4 from Project Gutenberg. Public domain.