Some colored men accepted the situation thus outlined, if not as desirable, at least as inevitable.  Most of them, however, had little faith in this condescending friendliness which was to take the place of constitutional rights.  They knew they had been treated unfairly; that their enemies had prevailed against them; that their whilom friends had stood passively by and seen them undone.  Many of the most enterprising and progressive left the state, and those who remain still labor under a sense of wrong and outrage which renders them distinctly less valuable as citizens.

The great steal was made, but the thieves did not turn honest,—­the scheme still shows the mark of the burglar’s tools.  Sins, like chickens, come home to roost.  The South paid a fearful price for the wrong of negro slavery; in some form or other it will doubtless reap the fruits of this later iniquity.

Drastic as were these “reforms,” the results of which we have anticipated somewhat, since the new Constitution was not to take effect immediately, they moved all too slowly for the little coterie of Wellington conspirators, whose ambitions and needs urged them to prompt action.  Under the new Constitution it would be two full years before the “nigger amendment” became effective, and meanwhile the Wellington district would remain hopelessly Republican.  The committee decided, about two months before the fall election, that an active local campaign must be carried on, with a view to discourage the negroes from attending the polls on election day.

The question came up for discussion one forenoon in a meeting at the office of the Morning Chronicle, at which all of the “Big Three” were present.

“Something must be done,” declared McBane, “and that damn quick.  Too many white people are saying that it will be better to wait until the amendment goes into effect.  That would mean to leave the niggers in charge of this town for two years after the state has declared for white supremacy!  I’m opposed to leaving it in their hands one hour,—­them’s my sentiments!”

This proved to be the general opinion, and the discussion turned to the subject of ways and means.

“What became of that editorial in the nigger paper?” inquired the general in his blandest tones, cleverly directing a smoke ring toward the ceiling.  “It lost some of its point back there, when we came near lynching that nigger; but now that that has blown over, why wouldn’t it be a good thing to bring into play at the present juncture?  Let’s read it over again.”

Carteret extracted the paper from the pigeon-hole where he had placed it some months before.  The article was read aloud with emphasis and discussed phrase by phrase.  Of its wording there could be little criticism,—­it was temperately and even cautiously phrased.  As suggested by the general, the Ochiltree affair had proved that it was not devoid of truth.  Its great offensiveness lay in its boldness:  that a negro should publish