The whole world is stirred; but that province in which the Tzar hoped most eagerly for a movement to meet him—­the province where beats the old Muscovite heart, Moscow—­is stirred least of all.  Every earnest throb seems stifled there by that strong aristocracy.

Yet Moscow moves at last.  Some nobles who have not yet arrived at the callous period, some Professors in the University who have not yet arrived at the heavy period, breathe life into the mass, drag on the timid, fight off the malignant.

The movement has soon a force which the retrograde party at Moscow dare not openly resist.  So they send answers to St. Petersburg apparently favorable; but wrapped in their phrases are hints of difficulties, reservations, impossibilities.

All this studied suggestion of difficulties profits the reactionists nothing.  They are immediately informed that the Imperial mind is made up,—­that the business of the Muscovite nobility is now to arrange that the serf be freed in twelve years, and put in possession of homestead and inclosure.

The next movement of the retrograde party is to misunderstand everything.  The plainest things are found to need a world of debate,—­the simplest things become entangled,—­the noble assemblies play solemnly a ludicrous game at cross-purposes.

Straightway comes a notice from the Emperor, which, stripped of official verbiage, says that they must understand.  This sets all in motion again.  Imperial notices are sent to province after province, explanatory documents are issued, good men and strong are set to talk and work.

The nobility of Moscow now make another move.  To scare back the advancing forces of emancipation, they elect as provincial leaders three nobles bearing the greatest names of old Russia, and haters of the new ideas.

To defeat these comes a miracle.

There stands forth a successor of Saint Gregory and Saint Bavon,—­one who accepts that deep mediaeval thought, that, when God advances great ideas, the Church must marshal them, or go under,—­Philarete, Metropolitan of Moscow.  The Church, as represented in him, is no longer scholastic,—­it is become apostolic.  He upholds emancipation,—­condemns its foes; his earnest eloquence carries all.

The work having progressed unevenly,—­nobles in different governments differing in plan and aim,—­an assembly of delegates is brought together at St Petersburg to combine and perfect a resultant plan under the eye of the Emperor.

The Grand Council of the Empire, too, is set at the work.  It is a most unpromising body,—­yet the Emperor’s will stirs it.

The opposition now make the most brilliant stroke of their campaign.  Just as James II. of England prated toleration and planned the enslavement of all thought, so now the bigoted plotters against emancipation begin to prate of Constitutional Liberty.

Had they been fighting Nicholas, this would doubtless have accomplished its purpose.  He would have become furious, and in his fury would have wrecked reform.  But Alexander bears right on.  It is even hinted that visions of a constitutional monarchy please him.