And yet, concerning those laws which were proposed, we have, at all events, the power of complaining, but concerning those which are actually passed we have not even had that privilege.  For they, without any proposal of them to the people, were passed before they were framed.  Men ask, what is the reason why I, or why any one of you, O conscript fathers, should be afraid of bad laws while we have virtuous tribunes of the people?  We have men ready to interpose their veto, ready to defend the republic with the sanctions of religion.  We ought to be strangers to fear.  What do you mean by interposing the veto? says he, what are all these sanctions of religion which you are talking about?  Those, forsooth, on which the safety of the republic depends.  We are neglecting those things, and thinking them too old-fashioned and foolish.  The forum will be surrounded, every entrance of it will be blocked up, armed men will be placed in garrison, as it were, at many points.  What then?—­whatever is accomplished by those means will be law.  And you will order, I suppose, all those regularly passed decrees to be engraved on brazen tablets “The consuls consulted the people in regular form,” (Is this the way of consulting the people that we have received from our ancestors?) “and the people voted it with due regularity” What people? that which was excluded from the forum?  Under what law did they do so? under that which has been wholly abrogated by violence and arms?  But I am saying all this with reference to the future, because it is the part of a friend to point out evils which may be avoided and if they never ensue, that will be the best refutation of my speech.  I am speaking of laws which have been proposed, concerning which you have still full power to decide either way.  I am pointing out the defects, away with them!  I am denouncing violence and arms, away with them too!

XI.  You and your colleague, O Dolabella, ought not, indeed, to be angry with me for speaking in defence of the republic.  Although I do not think that you yourself will be; I know your willingness to listen to reason.  They say that your colleague, in this fortune of his, which he himself thinks so good, but which would seem to me more favourable if (not to use any harsh language) he were to imitate the example set him by the consulship of his grandfathers and of his uncle,—­they say that he has been exceedingly offended.  And I see what a formidable thing it is to have the same man angry with me and also armed; especially at a time when men can use their swords with such impunity.  But I will propose a condition which I myself think reasonable, and which I do not imagine Marcus Antonius will reject.  If I have said anything insulting against his way of life or against his morals, I will not object to his being my bitterest enemy.  But if I have maintained the same habits that I have already adopted in the republic,—­that is, if I have spoken my opinions concerning the affairs of the republic with freedom,—­in the first place, I beg that he will not be angry with me for that; but, in the next place, if I cannot obtain my first request, I beg at least that he will show his anger only as he legitimately may show it to a fellow-citizen.